• Debt servicing charges: In the first six months, these reached approximately RM33.9 billion, reflecting the burden of accumulated public debt (federal government debt hovering around 64-65% of GDP, with broader general government debt higher).

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• Fuel subsidies: Over RM20 billion disbursed in the first half. Monthly costs spiked dramatically earlier in the year (peaking near RM7.5 billion in April) due to higher Brent crude prices but have since eased to around RM3.5 billion per month (roughly RM2 billion for RON95 and RM1.5 billion for diesel) as oil prices moderated.

  Policy Constraints and Trade-offs

Cutting or significantly scaling back fuel subsidies is politically and socially challenging. The government has committed strongly to maintaining affordable fuel prices for citizens through targeted mechanisms like the Budi MADANI RON95 (BUDI95) programme, which provides subsidized RON95 at RM1.99 per litre (with quotas) to eligible Malaysians. Blanket or broad subsidies remain sensitive, as any sharp removal risks inflating living costs for lower- and middle-income households.

This stance limits immediate fiscal flexibility. While targeted rationalization (e.g., income-based adjustments or quota reductions from 300 to 200 litres in some periods) has been explored or implemented, full liberalization appears off the table in the near term.

The Need for a Supplementary Budget

Given these pressures, issuing a supplementary budget appears necessary. This would allow the government to:

• Reallocate or trim non-essential operating expenditures.

• Adjust development spending priorities, and

• Seek additional revenue measures or financing without derailing core growth initiatives.

Failure to adjust could widen the full-year deficit beyond the 3.5% target and strain the medium-term goal of reaching 3% by 2028, as outlined in the Public Finance and Fiscal Responsibility Act (Act 850). Debt levels are already approaching or testing self-imposed ceilings (around 65% statutory limit for certain borrowings), with debt servicing consuming a growing share of revenue (projected near 17% in some estimates).

Positive Offsets: Growth Narrative vs. Fiscal Reality

The government and Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) continue to project resilient economic performance. Malaysia’s economy expanded 5.4% in Q1 2026, with full-year growth forecasts in the 4-5% range, supported by domestic demand, private consumption, exports (especially electrical & electronics), and foreign investments in data centers and strategic sectors.

Strong GDP growth, export performance, and FDI inflows provide a buffer and are frequently highlighted in official communications. However, critics argue this optimistic narrative can sometimes overshadow underlying fiscal vulnerabilities. High subsidies and debt servicing risk crowding out productive spending in education, healthcare, and infrastructure if not managed carefully.

Time for Transparent Discussion

Malaysia’s fiscal position remains fundamentally stronger than many emerging markets, thanks to diversified revenue streams, a credible central bank, and ongoing reforms in tax enforcement, digitalization, and subsidy targeting. Yet, the early overrun in 2026 underscores the need for greater transparency and proactive adjustment.

A national conversation on sustainable public finances, balancing welfare commitments with long-term debt prudence is not just timely but essential. Without course corrections, repeated supplementary budgets and rising debt servicing could erode investor confidence and limit fiscal space for future crises or growth-enhancing investments.

The coming months will reveal whether the government can steer the deficit back toward target through prudent management or if more decisive structural reforms are required. Malaysia’s economic resilience offers a window of opportunity—best not to squander it.

The rising Cost of Living is eroding a family’s ability to spend. Urban middle-class households face higher living costs, with incomes barely covering essentials in cities like Kuala Lumpur or Johor Bahru. For example, an M40 household earning RM7,000/month may struggle in urban areas due to high housing, education, and healthcare costs.

Many M40 households face “lifestyle inflation,” juggling rising costs and family obligations, such as supporting B40 relatives. A single financial shock, like a medical bill or job loss, can push these households toward financial instability, as they often lack a sufficient savings buffer. This is especially the case after the Covid era, where many families and proprietors of MSMEs are still facing debt repayments. M40 households are facing rising costs inhibiting their ability to save for when they need money to cover unexpected expenses. The relative ease that M40 households can obtain credit cards has played a role in pushing them into a debt lifestyle. The bottom line is households are not saving, they are paying off debt instead.

One of the major challenges to the Malaysian economy today are stagnant wages. Despite Malaysia’s economic growth (projected at 4–4.8% in 2025), wage growth lags behind inflation and productivity gains. The benefits of economic growth are not being passed onto M40 households. The middle class, particularly young graduates, struggles to find high-skilled jobs, with 42% of late primary-school children showing poor learning outcomes, limiting future workforce competitiveness. This compounds financial strain as aspirations for upward mobility and thus higher wages are unmet.

Malaysia has not been immune to pressure on the Ringgit. The ringgit’s volatility, despite a 0.8% appreciation against the US dollar in Q1 2025, increases costs for imported goods, which hit urban middle-class households harder due to their consumption patterns. Global trade tensions and higher shipping costs (e.g., due to Red Sea disruptions) further drive-up prices, squeezing budgets. The rise of the cost of goods in many categories is greater than the official inflation rate.

Malaysia has fallen victim to the “Middle Income Trap”, where middleclass families are unable to transition into the upper-middle class. This is partly a result of stagnant productivity and the failure of corporations to more equally share their profits to their respective labour forces.

While the government has been focusing on programs for the poor, the middle class feels pinched by policies that disproportionately affect their disposable income and limited safety nets. The government’s income classification system is not picking up this problem (or politicians are ignoring it). Malaysia’s statistical system needs an overhaul to better reflect regional cost-of-living differences and multidimensional poverty. The B40-M40-T20 classification system fails to account for these disparities, leaving urban M40 households feeling squeezed.

As a result, many families have been forced to curtail spending decisions. This means deferring holidays, going out less for dinner, wearing old clothes for longer, not buying consumables, and even cutting down on the food they buy outside the house. Come the end of 2025 and into 2026, aggregate household spending will no longer be a major driver of the economy.

With pensions not rising according to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), tolls rising, more taxes coming, and living costs rising, the middleclass is being squeezed. This is happening at the same time the T20 is getting a ‘free ride’ from the government. Taxes on the T20 have not risen proportionally to the middleclass.

Politically, the middleclass is a powerful voting cohort for Pakatan Harapan. Pakatan relies on the middleclass vote in urban areas, where it holds many of its seats. Failure to address the above problem will logically cost Pakatan dearly in the seats it holds.

The government still has three annual budgets to address this mostly unidentified issue. Overlooking the middleclass will be an electoral disaster. Budget 2026 needs to be a budget for the middleclass to get them back onboard and maintain a robust economy in 2026.

Malaysiakini : There’s a lot to absorb in mere weeks following the long seeming calm after Anwar renewed ties with Umno and Sarawak, making promises to both as he cobbled together a loose alliance, stable on the surface but with deep undercurrents beneath post-15th general election in November 2022.

Despite appearances of calm, there was dissension waiting to bubble up at the right time. Anwar’s excessive comfort cost him as Umno showed its hands despite many concessions given, dissolving the Johor state assembly and promising to contest all seats in the state.

It has been a rocking, roiling month for politics in May as Umno announced on May 16 it will contest all state seats in Johor, throwing the fragile Madani coalition headed by Anwar into chaos and for the PM to give a sharp rebuke to Umno at a Harapan summit the following day.

As if that was not enough, even as the Harapan summit was in progress and Anwar with his hands full with Umno’s intransigence, former PKR ministers and MPs Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad dropped a bombshell.

The duo exited PKR and Parliament, uniting under the dormant Bersama to push a fresh agenda for Malaysians, vowing to ally with no other party and fighting for a new agenda which was announced in some detail on their website.

Anwar’s woes continue

Anwar’s woes continued into June when PAS ended its dalliance with Bersatu, terminating political ties after six years. It was announced by its president Abdul Hadi Awang on June 9 on the back of continued wrangling between the two parties.

Not so bad for Harapan and PKR, but PAS seems amenable to making political pacts with other parties, including Umno, which should worry the Madani coalition a lot about what Umno is up to, even if now that is with regard to Johor only. Nothing says it can’t happen for parliamentary elections too.

And then former Bersatu deputy president Hamzah Zainudin, who has fallen out with the party president Muhyiddin Yassin, announced he has formed a new party called Parti Wawasan Negara.

It’s a mystery how it was formed so fast and whether they have the necessary approvals, but the party will be aligned to the Perikatan Nasional coalition.

What is significant is that the new party has the support of PAS, whose president Hadi was present to lend his support. In fact, Hamzah said the party’s name was approved by PAS’ leadership, including Hadi, who was at the so-called “Reset” gathering. Hadi even launched the meeting.

Also present were PN chairperson Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, Gerakan president Dominic Lau, and Kelantan Menteri Besar Nassuruddin Daud. Significantly, Samsuri is a rising star within PAS and vice president.

It is often speculated that either he or Hamzah may be prime ministerial material if PAS should be asked to form the next government.

Hadi also announced in his officiating speech at the so-called “Reset” convention on Saturday that PAS and its allies within PN have decided to retain Hamzah as its parliamentary opposition leader.

Now, this coalition seems rather strange considering that PAS and Bersatu are the main parties in it and PAS has announced they are cutting political ties with Bersatu. But it looks like if the PN coalition remains, it will be controlled by PAS and Wawasan Negara, sidelining Muhyiddin.

Hamzah’s Wawasan Negara has the backing of 19 previous Bersatu MPs, leaving six with Muhyiddin. Together with PAS’ 43, they form the backbone, accounting for 62 of PN’s 68 seats. The other two parties, Gerakan and MIPP, don’t have any seats.

PAS in strong position

And then on Saturday night too, former Umno member and minister, lawyer Zaid Ibrahim, joined PAS. He said in a Facebook post on Sunday: “Last night I was welcomed as a PAS member by its top national leaders. They're warm, sincere, and friendly.

“I will repay their faith. I will work hard to dispel the image of PAS as an extreme anti-democratic party, not suitable for a multicultural Malaysia.

“On the contrary, PAS is the only Malay-majority party with the strength and resolve to do away with inequality, hegemony and class preferences. The essence of Islam will be the governing principle.

“You will not have under the PAS rule where we are described as equal, but some are more equal than others. That's why PAS will govern Malaysia together with like-minded progressive MPs after the next GE.”

That’s a coup of sorts for PAS: a Malay liberal who has previously been a member of Umno, DAP and PKR - the three other major parties in Malaysia besides PAS - has unequivocally endorsed PAS. A feather in PAS’ cap even if one thought of Zaid as an itinerant party hopper.

The developments perhaps favour PAS most, which seems to have a more coherent strategy going forward than the other three major parties, PKR, DAP and Umno/BN. Bersatu had previously rode on PAS’ robes to gain 25 seats but is now left with six.

By aligning with Wawasan Negara, PAS hopes to have some semblance of multiracialism and moderation. That is helped by Zaid coming into PAS and extolling its virtues, including an endorsement as the only party which might work for all.

Together with the groundwork that it has been doing to strengthen its position and extend its support base, PAS is probably the strongest, best organised party going into the polls and stands the best chance of getting the greatest number of seats for the second time in a row.

Umno is all gung-ho about Johor, but as with previous polls, it has no standing in the Malay heartland where PAS and its allies reign supreme. Even if it retains Johor, it is not likely to do much better elsewhere.

PAS is too smart to ally with Umno in areas where it is dominant, although Umno may make overtures in that direction. Umno’s performance is likely to be middling or even worse at GE16 for Parliament. It has nothing new to offer.

With Chinese and non-Malay support, DAP will still likely pull through but probably could lose seats because of its voicelessness on important issues and the rising support for the Bersama duo, Rafizi and Nik Nazmi, where they are likely to take some urban votes from DAP.

The party most likely to be wiped out in the next election is Bersatu, and with it the exit of Muhyiddin from politics. Its standing of 25 seats in the last election is most likely entirely due to aligning with PAS. They could lose all their seats.

Uncertain future

Anwar’s PKR faces a rather uncertain future from Bersama, which is mounting a credible, coordinated and early challenge to almost all of PKR’s seats, with 10 MPs already in the bag by some counts.

Peculiarly, any support that Anwar may have through Harapan post GE16 may continue to come from DAP, the largest party in the coalition with 40 seats compared to PKR’s 31 and Umno/BN’s 30.

It’s hard to see how Anwar can win enough to ensure the largest number of seats for Harapan to ensure he gets a chance to form the government again. That is likely to pass on to PAS.

It’s unlikely that even if there was some kind of electoral pact with PAS, the Islamic party will give up an opportunity to get its own prime minister. Anwar must be able to see this and therefore will likely go for a full term and announce his resignation before the polls.

As for dark horse Bersama, it is likely to make a significant impact by taking seats in urban areas previously the domain of PKR and even DAP. They may do very much better than expected, but even if they don’t, they will likely set a base for the future by retaining their deposits.

As the only party which has nothing to lose and everything to gain, the possibility for significant upside surprise for Bersama cannot be dismissed. They are, so far, acting true to their intentions, asking for a review of Selangor’s controversial guidelines for places of worship of non-Muslims, for instance.

One thing for sure, this is not an election that Malaysians are going to sit out. Expect participation to increase even if early polls are not called.

Official figures reveal the mismatch. Between 2010 and 2024, Malaysia’s real GDP grew substantially (around 82% cumulatively in some measures), yet median monthly wages rose only modestly, from roughly RM1,300 to RM1,864 in real terms, with average wages showing similar subdued gains. Productivity improvements have not translated into higher worker compensation. Much of the growth stems from capital-intensive sectors, resource extraction, or efficiencies captured by top firms that fail to scale benefits broadly across the community.

Public sector wage hikes, often politically timed, create a demonstration effect that private employers resist. Meanwhile, the informal sector, estimated to comprise a massive portion of economic activity, operates outside minimum wage protections, with low capitalization, minimal innovation, and seasonal or precarious employment. Graduates and young workers frequently drift into this sphere, underemployed and disillusioned.

Comparisons with Thailand underscore the issue. Similar basic wages exist although there are differences in labor market flexibility, foreign worker policies, and export orientation. Malaysia’s reliance on low-cost foreign labor in plantations, construction, manufacturing, and services keeps domestic wages anchored at the bottom. Employers prefer migrants for “3D” (dirty, dangerous, difficult) jobs that locals shun at prevailing pay rates, creating a segmented labor market that discourages wage competition and productivity-enhancing investments in local workers.

Patronage, GLCs, and the NEP Legacy

Malaysia’s economy is not a level playing field. GLCs dominate key sectors, controlling significant market share and prioritizing dividends to fund government budgets over broad-based development. These entities, often shielded by regulations, monopolies, or preferential access, exemplify rent-seeking rather than competitive dynamism. Private firms, especially SMEs and informal operators, face barriers including licensing restrictions, equity requirements rooted in the New Economic Policy (NEP) framework, and patronage networks that favor the connected.

The NEP originally designed to address ethnic economic imbalances, evolved into a tool of social engineering and discrimination that has outlived its utility in many respects. It fostered a privileged elite often intertwined with political families, bureaucracy, and royalty, while stifling genuine entrepreneurship and innovation across communities. Race-based policies deter foreign investors seeking scale, discourage local firms from upgrading (due to equity dilution fears), and channel resources toward low-value, low-productivity activities.

This creates a three-tier labor market. At the bottom, foreign workers in precarious conditions with limited rights. In the middle, Malaysian workers in semi-skilled or service roles with limited career ladders. At the top, public sector, GLC management, and connected professionals who benefit from announcements and networks. The informal sector sits outside, invisible to official statistics but central to survival for many.

Productivity remains low because value addition remains weak. Firms stick to copying, low-tech methods, and short-term coping rather than innovation. Education emphasizes rote learning and religious studies over STEM and critical thinking, producing graduates mismatched for high-value roles. The brain drain is stripping the country of talent seeking better opportunities abroad. Logistics, cabotage policies, and infrastructure gaps further hinder rural and regional enterprises, particularly in Sabah and Sarawak.

The Middle-Class Trap and Inequality

The middle class, which expanded during the boom years of the 1990s and early 2000s, is now squeezed. Rising costs of housing, education, healthcare, and daily essentials outpace wage growth. Many families are “too rich for assistance, too poor to thrive” where people are unable to access targeted subsidies yet struggling with debt and eroded purchasing power. This stagnation risks turning aspiration into resentment.

Income inequality metrics have worsened in periods, with the Gini coefficient reflecting concentration at the top. The B20 (bottom 20%) capture a tiny share of national income, while the T10 take a disproportionate slice. Corporate and civil service elites, often overlapping through patronage, capture gains from GDP growth, leaving workers behind. This is not shared prosperity but a zero-sum dynamic masked by aggregate figures.

Foreign workers, while filling gaps, have externalities such as remittance outflows, social tensions, and depressed wages that discourage locals from certain sectors. Without comprehensive reform, better enforcement, levies that truly incentivize local hiring, and pathways to skills upgrading, the dependency persists, locking the economy into a low-wage, low-productivity equilibrium.

Technology, Unions, and Future Risks

Industry 4.0 and AI promise transformation but currently threaten displacement more than upliftment. Automation in manufacturing, services, and even white-collar tasks (banking, retail) hits the middle tiers hardest without corresponding creation of high-skill jobs accessible to average Malaysians. The education and training systems lag in preparing the workforce.

Trade unions face societal and institutional headwinds. Historical preferences for harmony over confrontation, combined with restrictive laws and ethnic fragmentation, weaken collective bargaining. Without stronger worker voice, employers hold the upper hand in wage negotiations. The political economy compounds the problem. Elite families and networks dominate decision-making, prioritizing control and distribution among insiders over systemic reform. Narratives of supremacy or protectionism obscure the need for merit, competition, and inclusivity. Corruption and favoritism raise business costs and deter efficiency.

Pathways Out of the Trap

Solving wage stagnation requires more than minimum wage tweaks or one-off bonuses. Fundamental shifts are needed:

• Labor Market Reform: Reduce over-reliance on foreign workers through stricter levies, skills thresholds, and enforcement. Pair this with incentives for training and productivity-linked pay.

• Boosting Value and Innovation: Ease regulatory burdens on SMEs, reform equity rules to encourage investment and scaling, and refocus education on practical skills, creativity, and STEM. Support genuine R&D and commercialization rather than patronage-driven projects.

• GLC and Governance Overhaul: Shift GLCs toward efficiency, innovation, and multiplier effects rather than rent extraction. Reduce barriers to private competition.

• Inclusive Growth Policies: Address the informal sector with access to finance, markets, and formalization support that does not choke small operators. Targeted cost-of-living measures and progressive taxation could help without distorting incentives.

• Social Compact Renewal: Encourage constructive unionism and tripartite dialogue. Tackle brain drain by improving opportunities and reducing discrimination.

Without these reforms, Malaysia risks prolonged middle-income entrapment. GDP may rise, but if wages lag, social cohesion frays. The “middle-class trap” becomes self-reinforcing: squeezed households consume less, invest less in human capital, and demand more from a fiscally strained state. Malaysia possesses resources, strategic location, and a young population (though aging).

The question is whether policymakers can move beyond patronage, ethnic lenses, and short-termism toward a genuine Malaysian economy where productivity gains are shared. The alternative is growing polarization, talent loss, and unfulfilled potential—a nation richer in aggregates but poorer in lived experience for most. The window for reform narrows with each passing year of stagnation.

Malaysiakini : Furthermore, it was Anwar, through his religious czar, who was pursuing the Federal Territories Mufti bill, which would have radically transformed the powers of the religious far right in this country.

This is something that PAS dreamt of. This is something the deep Islamic state has been preparing for.

The bill was best defined by SIS Forum - “The Mufti bill, which grants unelected officials the power to legislate without transparency or due process, exemplifies the dangerous erosion of democratic principles and constitutional rights.

“Such laws risk undermining the fundamental freedoms of Malaysians, fostering a culture of control rather than empowerment, and silencing diverse perspectives crucial for a progressive society.”

This country has been run by Perikatan Nasional before, and it was a time when Malaysia went through so many prime ministers; it was difficult keeping track of who was in charge of the circus.

Also, as we can see, the only thing these Malay uber alles types love more than making alliances to defend race and religion is breaking up that alliance for perceived slights and infractions, which merely means that various potentates were not getting their due.

Non-Malays voting for Harapan, which Leong acknowledges is not the coalition that got the most Malay votes, means that everything Madani does in terms of policy and optics is to appeal to the Malay community, which is what PAS does already.

Keep in mind that for decades, the non-Malays voted for BN and demonised the opposition using pragmatism as a rallying cry instead of institutional reform. And to be fair, for decades, the non-Malays prospered while their Malay/Muslim brethren were short-changed by the Malay uber alles party they voted for.

Umno collapse drives PN surge

Three years ago, former DAP MP Ong Kian Ming agreed with Umno man Khairy Jamaluddin that the Green Wave narrative was a “lazy shorthand”.

Ong wrote: “It diverts attention from the main reason for the increase in votes for PN: a disastrous collapse in support for Umno in all states in Peninsular Malaysia, except for Negeri Sembilan and Johor.

“It was this unhappiness with Umno and specifically, the leadership of Zahid, that enabled PN to benefit from the groundswell of dissatisfaction.”

What most politically correct observers do not want to publicly acknowledge is that if the dominant polity that voted for PN really wanted an alternative, they would have chosen PKR and Harapan.

After all, Harapan-controlled states were run more efficiently than BN states and were drawing local economic migrants from less developed states.

Now, of course, in Johor, Umno is in ascendancy, and with this comes all sorts of political opportunities which make anything the non-Malays do mean bupkis.

There really is nothing stopping Umno, PAS, and Bersatu from joining forces or any kind of political alliances which shut out non-Malay power brokers. They have done this before and imploded spectacularly.

While Zahid may say that there will never be another pact with its sworn enemy, PAS, can any rational Malaysian take his word for it?

Folks got their knickers in a twist when PN candidate Goh Gaik Meng said the non-Malays cannot stop the Malay tsunami - “I actually want to tell the people of Selangor... the Chinese cannot stop this Malay tsunami. A so-called tsunami within the Malay community has been set off.

“As a minority ethnic group with only 20-30 percent (of the population) in this country, we cannot stop this so-called Malay tsunami.”

PAS strategy and Malay political unity

However, the reality is that the mainstream Malay political establishment, from the royal institution to a significant segment of the vox populi, wants some sort of Malay unity.

Do not for one second think that I am downplaying the threat of the Green Wave. PAS has very clear ideas about how to use democracy and legislation to suppress the non-Malay vote.

PAS will lead the effort to disenfranchise the non-Malay vote even more and perhaps make the non-Malay vote meaningless. This is the plan, and PAS has been very open about it.

In 2021, then-PAS central committee member Khairuddin Aman Razali said, “There are long-term (needs) that require us to win the next general election with a two-thirds majority.

“(Upon achieving this), the electoral boundaries need to be changed to benefit Muslims.

“We also need to increase the number of parliamentary seats in Malay-majority areas.”

Keep in mind, two years ago, folks were going on about “coalition politics” as if it were the new normal. The reality is that there really wasn’t any real coalition give and take, but rather Madani rearing snakes in their tent while carrying out policy-making initiatives which put a smile on the visage of the Green Wave.

Have you noticed that, especially among PN supporters, there really is no central figure standing in opposition to Anwar? The theocratic state-in-waiting understands they have no need for prime ministers in the sense of someone leading the country. All they need is a figurehead.

The fact is that what Madani is doing is making it easier for PAS when it eventually takes over. We are not dealing with differing political ideologies here. What Muslim disunity has achieved is the suppression and dismantling of progressive ideas and personalities in the majority community.

The Green Wave is the existential threat facing rational Malaysians, but it is not simply about not voting for PAS, as the facts demonstrate. Non-Malays haven’t been able to stop the Green Wave, and PAS is merely a fait accompli.

What non-Malays need to do is to vote for Malaysians who are not too concerned about spooking the Malays.

Malaysiakini : Why turn it into racial issue?

The first problem is that this is not a non-Malay issue. Malays are frustrated too, as are Chinese, Indians, Sabahans, and Sarawakians.

The cost of living does not ask your race before emptying your wallet. Corruption does not ask your race before damaging public trust. Poor governance does not ask your race before affecting your daily life.

So why are we still talking about frustration through racial lenses? Leong should know better.

For decades, politicians told us that we are one nation. Yet whenever problems arise, we are immediately divided into Malay concerns, Chinese concerns, Indian concerns, and non-Malay concerns.

Perhaps one reason Malaysia struggles to move beyond race is that our politics keeps dragging us back into it.

Then there is the economy. Leong points to gross domestic product (GDP) growth, foreign investment, a stronger ringgit and record tourist arrivals. Good to know these, but ordinary Malaysians do not live inside GDP statistics.

They live in the space between payday and the next bill. They see the economy every time they buy groceries, pay rent, settle their utility bills, or wonder whether their income will stretch to the end of the month.

A mother buying groceries cannot pay with GDP growth. A retiree cannot settle his electricity bill with foreign investment figures.

Always getting there but not quite there

His article also asks for patience, that reforms take time, coalitions are complicated, bureaucracies are slow, and institutions resist change.

All true, but Malaysians did not elect a government to explain obstacles with endless spin. They elected a government to overcome them.

Coalition politics may explain the delay. They do not excuse it. Institutional constraints may explain the difficulty. They do not replace delivery.

At some point, a reason stops being a reason. It becomes an excuse, and that is why many voters are asking a simple question: Where are the reforms?

We don’t need the endless speeches, announcements, and promises of reform because reform cannot permanently exist in the future tense. It cannot always be “coming soon”.

Madani’s reforms are like a bus that is always about to reach the next stop, but never does.

Pussyfooting around racial issues

The same applies to religious and cultural issues. Citizens are told these matters are sensitive. We know they are, but sensitivity cannot become a substitute for fairness.

When temples are relocated, when non-Muslim places of worship face restrictions and when questions arise over whether a church or temple should be lower than a mosque, citizens have every right to ask why.

Why should the height of another person’s building threaten the strength of one’s faith? A confident faith does not require a tape measure.

Right to ask questions

And while we are on the subject of questions, citizens also have every right to question government decisions, especially about public spending, procurement, governance, or competence.

That is not extremism. That is simply citizenship.

Democracy is not strengthened when people stop asking questions. It is strengthened by answers and facts, not debates, police reports, and enforcement language.

Take the littoral combat ships project. Billions of ringgits were spent, years passed, deadlines missed, explanations offered, and then even more explanations followed.

The public kept asking the same question: Where are the ships? Unsurprisingly, the answers have always been more “explanations”.

Then there is Boustead Naval Shipyard Sdn Bhd. Taxpayers’ money is not a bottomless pit of bailout money. Citizens are entitled to ask why money intended for national defence appears entangled with corporate rescue exercises and debt problems.

We are justified in asking at what point does public money stop serving the public and start serving institutional failure?

Then there is corruption. Ordinary Malaysians are repeatedly told nobody is above the law, but high-profile cases often seem to end with acquittals, discharge not amounting to acquittals (DNAA), reduced sentences, reduced fines, compounds, or pardons.

Each case may have its own legal explanation, but public trust is built on consistency, which many people feel is missing.

The same applies to concerns about powerful networks operating behind the scenes. Take your pick: Corporate interests, political patronage, procurement ecosystems, cartels, and cases that fade away.

Whether these concerns are justified or not, they exist, and ignoring them will not make them disappear.

Silence rarely builds confidence. Transparency does.

Bogeyman tactics

Finally, Leong warned about the Green Wave.

Many Malaysians share legitimate concerns about extremism, but fear cannot become a government’s permanent campaign strategy.

A government cannot endlessly ask voters to support it because the alternative may be worse.

So we will ask this question. “What have you done with the opportunity we already gave you?”

We deserve an answer, and we do not need another warning from politicians, because the biggest mistake they make is assuming public frustration comes from misunderstanding.

More often, it comes from understanding perfectly well. We understand what was promised, what was delivered, and the gap in between.

Explanations are not achievements, and when the same explanations are repeated year after year, they stop sounding like explanations. They are excuses.

Leong said that we are voting for ourselves and our children, and that not voting means surrendering our power to those who may not have our best interests at heart.

That is the theory, because our experience is simple: votes are repeatedly used to return to power people who later prove they do not have our best interests at heart.

Malaysiakini :  For the non-Malays in this country, this merely means baseline democratic norms.

Nobody is questioning the position of the religion of the state, the role of the monarchy and of course the entitlements of the majority.

What we want is not to be persecuted using the religion of the state, the weaponisation of the royal establishment and being marginalised by the entitlement programmes of the majority.

We expect the leadership of our chosen political parties to look after the interests of the people, specifically the non-Malay communities.

Mind you, what the non-Malays value in terms of economic posterity and political stability are policies which would benefit all Malaysians, hence mainstream non-Malay politics are utilitarian in nature.

Malay rights have been weaponised to the point that the Madani regime would rather not carry out any utilitarian policies that would benefit everyone, especially the Malays, because they are the majority, for fear of the opposition claiming that Malay/Muslim rights are being sidelined because of the DAP.

The lesson of the failure and failings of Madani is that the non-Malay community must give up this idea of governing.

Damned if you do, damned if you don’t

Even with the best of intentions, non-Malay political operatives are hampered by the mainstream political dogma of all parties, which is grounded in ethnic and religious superiority.

Non-Malay political operatives say one thing to the base and do the exact opposite when they sit down and formulate policy, either on a state or federal level.

Campaign promises are discarded, or their failure to implement them is blamed on the deep state.

Non-Malay politicians act as if they have no power, or when they attempt to use it, they are vilified by being labelled anti-Malay, at which point they fold and conform to official state and federal religious and ethnic narratives of superiority.

In Pakatan Harapan’s brief tenure in the federal government, former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad publicly castrated Lim Guan Eng when he said that Lim had to run everything through him before he made any important decisions.

There was a concerted effort to give the Malays more at the expense of the Chinese community, but nothing could be said at the time because this would upset the DAP’s non-Malay base.

This is how the Malay establishment wants it. Read Aminuddin Yahaya’s piece in Malaysiakini back in 2020 - “MCA boleh jatuhkan kerajaan Melayu-Islam?”

What the author describes in his piece is what the Malay establishment wants from its non-Malay partners. What they want is subservience.

Aminuddin is gleeful of the fact that the MCA only survived because Umno breathed life into it, and bemoans the fact that even though the MCA relies on Malay-dominated polities, they continue insulting the Malay uber alles government with the interests of the community they represent.

He even makes the point that the MCA, in order to get back Chinese support, mimics the DAP.

“Pada PRU 14, MCA sebenarnya sudah mati tetapi diberi nafas kembali oleh Umno. Ini kerana lebih 90 peratus daripada masyarakat Cina sudah menyokong DAP melalui PH dan menolak MCA. MCA yang memang sudah sekian lama terdesak mahu memenangi kembali hati pengundi Cina, mereka sanggup berbuat apa sahaja termasuklah ‘berperangai’ seperti DAP.”

(In GE14, MCA already met its end but was given a new breath of life by Umno. This is because more than 90 percent of the Chinese community is already supporting DAP through Harapan and has rejected MCA. MCA has indeed long been desperate to win back Chinese voters’ hearts; they are willing to do whatever it takes, including ‘acting’ like DAP.)

Ideals clash with reality

The non-Malay political narrative post-May 13 has been one of backpedalling, reversals, sycophancy, and Orwellian doublespeak because the weight of expectations collided with the realpolitik of Malay rule.

Deputy Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Liew Chin Tong’s description of how the DAP gave everything to then-home minister Muhyiddin Yassin, but it wasn’t enough, points to how non-Malay political operatives were desperate for some sort of consensus or compromise, but this still made them targets of opportunity for the Malay establishment.

The DAP, which should have been an outspoken political bloc in the regime, is neutered by Umno and sidelined by the chief executive because Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim understands that the very appearance of relying on them or defiance from them would be bad optics for the voting base he wants to cultivate.

We see all these non-Malay political operatives in government at the state and federal levels, but what changes have they made to the way this country is governed?

Partisans have this really dumb line about how non-Malay politicians are “hard working”, and you have to ask yourself what exactly they are working hard for, or better yet, who are they working hard for?

Some non-Malay partisans are contributing to the racist narrative that non-Malay politicians ab initio are hardworking compared to their lazy Malay counterparts. The reality, of course, is all these politicians are doing is nurturing a conducive ecosystem of political and corporate malfeasance.

These days, the DAP seems to be the connective tissue between the mainstream Malay establishment and the plutocratic class rather than the connective tissue between democratic ideas and their non-Malay base.

What other choice do we have?

The reality, of course, is that all these politicians are doing is nurturing a conducive ecosystem of political and corporate malfeasance.

During election season, all these non-Malay political operatives start banging the drum when it comes to issues facing the non-Malay communities, and of course, the threat of the Green Wave is shouted from the rooftops of Putrajaya and urban and semi-urban centres.

Anwar is very well aware that although non-Malays rant and rave on social media, the reality is that when it comes to the ballot box, they will vote for his proxies because they believe that, as flawed as he is, there is no alternative.

Rational Malaysians have to understand that it is pointless to be in any kind of supremacist government because the price of admission is subservience. Better to be on the outside on your feet than inside on your knees.

The problem is, being on your knees inside gets you paid. As it is, non-Malay governing seems more like gaslighting for entrenched supremacist interests.

I truly believe when non-Malays realise that it is better to have a strong opposition voicing baseline democratic ideas and not be involved in the current swamp of policymaking and becoming contributors to the swamp, there will truly be a movement of reform for rational Malaysians, regardless of race, religion or class.

This is what mainstream Malay politicians fear.

Malaysiakini : "At the same time, the global recognition received by the prime minister is on par with figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela.”

At this point, there is a litany of dismal peaks that rational Malaysians can point to where DAP has not served the rakyat when it comes to accountability, the promotion of democratic values, and, of course, lessening the impact of theocratic imperatives in mainstream Malaysian politics.

Rayer lays the blame on the prime minister but fails to mention that DAP has been an obedient handmaiden to the excesses of this government.

I have no idea why Rayer would list these issues and act as if DAP had no power or influence over how they were handled or not handled. Sure, a few DAP MPs have been speaking out, but DAP is the government, hence, speaking out merely seems performative.

Rayer blames the “deep state,” which is complete horse manure because, as the Football Association of Malaysia/International Federation of Association Football scandal demonstrated, there is very little daylight between the so-called deep state and mainstream ketuanan (supremacy) governance and, of course, who was the youth and sports minister then?

Powerless DAP?

So, either DAP has no power in Madani, or the party is completely inept and oblivious to the legal and moral failings of this unity government. Which is not to say that DAP does not look out for the interests of the rakyat in messy Madani.

DAP lawmaker Teresa Kok was chastised by the prime minister over her comments on halal certification, even though her comments were, in fact, taking into account the hardship faced by small Malay businesses and the economic effects mandatory halal certification would have on them.

So, even when DAP voices out concern, which would help the Malay community, it is demonised, and more often than not, the head of Madani would side with the far-right ethnocentric agitators who really do nothing for the Malay community.

The big July meeting is approaching, and what is DAP going to do? The deadline was already kind of a joke because if you announce ahead that you are not willing to let Madani fall, then you are telling everyone that there is nothing serious about this deadline.

DAP, through its minions online, always harasses and attempts to deflect from its failings. DAP asks if not a unity government, who else? Would you rather see Perikatan Nasional take over?

Ok, hold it right there, you disingenuous cretins. DAP has worked with every race-based party that has come into existence, so do not for one minute think this card plays with rational people.

Look at Umno. A party in a weaker position, which is running roughshod over DAP while the prime minister does nothing to help his loyal reformasi ally, not to mention Umno’s brazen moves in Johor, which should tell rational Malaysians what Umno thinks of Madani.

And let us not forget this manufactured pig farming controversy. Selangor BN information chief Jamal Yunos said DAP representative Wong Siew Ki “can leave Selangor if she does not want to abide by the decree of his royal highness”, even though his party has historically curtailed the powers of the royalty.

The Umno rejects, or those ejected from the party, had also openly defied the royalty. Former Umno bigwig, now Bersatu president, publicly said, “No matter what the purpose is, we will not agree to it. So when I was asked to sign the offer letter, I signed ‘disagreed’.”

DAP demonised

DAP representatives have been vilified. DAP representatives and ministers had police reports made against them. DAP representatives had their cars firebombed.

DAP representatives have been reprimanded by the prime minister of their coalition and forced to make retractions and apologies.

At this point, if DAP said, “We are not going to leave Anwar hanging, but we are going to relinquish all posts at the state and federal level and leave it to people who defend race and religion to lead this country,” I would be okay with that.

Why? Because it affords a shred of dignity in how non-Malays view this fiasco, which is Madani. And if Madani were to carry out reforms genuinely, it would have the electoral power of DAP backing its political plays.

This is what these Malay uber alles politicians want, right? They want to demonise DAP or have the party kowtow to them, so do not play their game.

And maybe the rakyat would understand what happens if a PN-like government takes over. We saw how that went when Muhyiddin Yassin and Ismail Sabri Yaakob were in charge.

I keep watching that old Karpal Singh clip during the Perak crisis back in the day, where he said, “Anwar has created enough trouble for the country. Anwar must repent,” and “PKR and DAP have fallen to the temptation and even followed Anwar’s rhetoric in supporting crossovers, and some have not said a word when they ought to have all this while.”

History really is prologue.

Malaysiakini : Growing up in a semi-rural area in Kedah, my family always looked to DAP as the voice of reason during Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s first prime ministership.

DAP veteran Lim Kit Siang and the late Karpal Singh were the voices of courage who dared to take on Mahathir despite his autocratic tendencies, making the duo legendary to people like me, who believed Malaysia has more to offer its people if we could only get rid of its self-serving politicians and replace them with the right people.

And that’s why I still believe that many within DAP’s rank-and-file want to make things right, in line with its founding ideals, but are unable to do so for the time being.

So, here are my suggestions, as follows:

Slash the number of candidates

What I mean is simply this: field a bare minimum number of candidates in GE16, be it for the Dewan Rakyat or state assemblies.

For example, if you can only identify 10 safe parliamentary seats (hopefully, there are still some left), then nominate candidates for those seats and pray to providence that you can win at least half of them.

Why this suggestion? Very simple. To minimise the party’s embarrassment when voters punish them at the ballot box.

Initially, I wanted to suggest that DAP sit out GE16 altogether, but after further thought, a minimum level of representation is needed to ensure the party is kept abreast of happenings in the august house.

And we also need some opposition members (yes, I am expecting DAP to head this way) to sit in the parliamentary special select committees to scrutinise bills.

The same goes for state assemblies. Just nominate candidates for safe seats and pray for the best.

Being in the opposition would allow DAP time to do some soul-searching and reconnect with its grassroots, which it had long abandoned after tasting federal power.

It will also help the party reassess ties with its allies, which brings me to my next point.

Leave Harapan, or ditch PKR

PKR is now a liability for the entire Harapan coalition, and we can thank the PKR president for this.

DAP leaders have stood by Anwar since 1998, rain or shine, only to get a raw deal despite having the power to make or break the coalition government.

While DAP did its best to keep the coalition government intact, to the extent of not only embarrassing itself but also alienating its voter base, Anwar took the party’s sacrifice for granted and did his best to squander it.

Plus, ditching PKR would also help DAP find new allies that are more in tune with its progressive principles and perhaps be part of a new coalition that is truly committed to taking Malaysia forward.

And we desperately need such leadership and new ideas as the geopolitical scenario has changed dramatically, and we need leaders who can prepare the country for present and future challenges.

Loke must go

Removing Anthony Loke from the secretary-general post is a no-brainer, and there is little need for further elaboration.

But in addition to Loke, all DAP leaders holding cabinet portfolios and state exco posts should also be removed.

Let’s be blunt here. While Loke should take responsibility for DAP’s current predicament, the party’s ministers and excos are equally guilty of throwing mud at the progressive forces that elevated them to power.

Following their departure, reorganise the party from top to bottom, go back to its founding roots, and move forward.

Now, I have given some ideas on how DAP could not only salvage itself but also become stronger for the 17th general election.

The question is, would the party listen? I doubt it.

Malaysiakini : So what's the real reason? Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung lamented that for years, due to the shortage of land gazetted for non-Muslim places of worship, some have operated in commercial or industrial areas.

“Why introduce restrictions on arrangements that have largely not posed problems?” he asked.

The new rules are for "new townships", and land will supposedly be provided for non-Muslims.

This means traditional Chinese and Hindu temples, Theravada and Mahayana Buddhist viharas, Sikh gurdwaras and churches of different denominations must compete for probably the single non-Muslim space.

Civilised co-existence

Instead of constraints and containment, I expected a Madani or “civilised” Malaysia to learn from our old towns like Malacca, George Town and Seremban, where there is a main “harmony street” with a mosque, church, Chinese and Hindu temple, all within walking distance.

They all coexist peacefully and nobody's faith is "confused". If space is not provided, then please don’t complain of “illegal” temples lah.

The non-Muslim worship house guidelines were approved by the Selangor state exco meeting on Nov 12, 2025 and then published.

But after Lee exposed this on May 23, the state government went into “damage control” mode, saying the rules won’t be enforced yet, pending a review in early June.

But how could the PKR-led state administration even approve such lopsided rules? I confess to having a soft spot for DAP, but even then I have to ask, did the rocket folks agree to this?

Why is Harapan shooting itself in the foot, knowing full well that its support with core non-Malay supporters is falling?

An internal PKR strategic analysis for the coming general election showed that only seven of its 31 parliamentary seats are considered “safe” (Tier 1), and even then, four of those are held by those aligned with its former deputy president Rafizi Ramli.

Even Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s own Tambun seat is now deemed “marginal” (Tier 2B) while the Gombak seat of Selangor Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari is deemed to be in the ”red zone” (Tier 3).

Does PKR have a death wish?

PJ hospital debacle

The second recent PKR own goal in Selangor is Amirudin’s recent excuse that there’s a “lack of suitable land” for the proposed Petaling Jaya government hospital.

This quickly drew brickbats as people asked why land was instead available for condos, a data centre and three new private hospitals?

Amirudin said that 2ha of land was needed – well, allow me then to assist our dear menteri besar. The SS2 mall in PJ has been dead since 2015 and has 3ha of land. A new private hospital was announced there in 2020, but the project failed to happen.

The state can use the Land Acquisition Act to take over the site, since a hospital is obviously a “public purpose”. If this freelance journalist can find the place with a 10-minute Google search, it’s mind-boggling to think that the Pakatan Harapan state government can’t.

There are also derelict industrial land plots near PJ Old Town, with some as large as 50,000 to 150,000sq ft. Just two or three of these will come to2ha. The private Beacon Hospital is also located in this area.

Worst-case scenario, there are other green areas in Puchong and Petaling Jaya for a hospital – for example, the huge Padang Astaka, behind the Tun Hussein Onn National Eye Hospital.

It’s a shame to lose a green area, but arguably, a hospital is more important. In any case, there is another field called Padang Timur nearby.

So there are many alternatives – unless the politicians want to sell these lands cheaply to developers, as happened with the Ayer Hitam forested areas in Puchong.

If such shady deals take priority over public wellbeing, then Putrajaya should at least step in to reduce steep charges at the Universiti Malaya Medical Centre, where one night in a four-bedded ward costs a whopping RM300, much more than private hospitals.

UMMC is under the Higher Education Ministry, and it’s galling to think that patients are being squeezed to pay the salaries of “kangkung professors”, such as those who claim that the Romans learned shipbuilding from the Malays.

Ayer Hitam forest fiasco

And now we come to the third own goal. Subang MP Wong Chen has urged the Selangor government to explain why 68ha of land in or adjacent to the Ayer Hitam Forest Reserve had been sold to Jakel Group at a low price of only RM13.80psf.

Amirudin replied that a “property consultant” had assessed the land value at RM13psf. But hello, that was way back in 2012 lah. Obviously, prices have risen since then.

Wong has been asking when the land was sold to Jakel, but there has been no answer.

What are prices now? A simple Google search reveals the answers quickly.

For example, the nearby Aseana Puteri condo sells units at a median price of RM420psf according to the Property Guru website. Multiply that by 20 floors of the condo.

Or take the nearby terrace houses of Puteri 8 in Puchong, which sell for between RM600 and RM700psf, according to Iproperty.

Obviously, that is way above the measly RM13.80psf Jakel paid. The ever honest menteri besar said that 75 percent of the land is “unsuitable for development” as there are Class 3 and 4 steep slopes. If so, why was the land sold?

Is Jakel building an “eco education centre” to augment the very popular Bukit Wawasan hiking trails there? Or will they build lucrative condos, even though this will destroy the existing forests and cause soil erosion?

Compromise with greed

But I grudgingly accept that politicians and developers have a sweet tooth, or lips, for each other. I was involved in trying to save the Shah Alam Community Forest and saw various smokescreens and obstacles thrown up by the Selangor Harapan government.

Even a faulty forest degazettement was fixed – by backdating it 22 years to the glorious era when Umno ruled Selangor. That’s when I had to admit that Harapan in Selangor was turning into BN 2.0.

Wong and Lee, who are both in Rafizi’s reformist group, propose that the state government buy back the land. Sadly, this probably won’t happen as Jakel will demand its pound of flesh.

Perhaps a more realistic option is for the state to impose tight conditions for development. A compromise solution is to preserve 80 percent of the forest while allowing condos around its fringe.

The condos will carry a premium price as residents have serene forest views and fresh air, plus a nature getaway in their backyard. They will have the same pristine setting as condos next to Bukit Gasing and the Kota Damansara Community Forest.

It’s a win-win-win solution that caters to developers’ and politicians’ vested interests while saving most of the forest. Will the Selangor government do it to avoid further damage to its reputation?

Its three own goals only add to voters' anger about other broken reformasi promises – be it curbing corruption or racial hate speech.

I was a supporter of Anwar before and even attended Harapan rallies in the rain. But I am now very disappointed, especially with PKR or Parti Kelentong Rakyat (Bluffing People’s Party).

The final whistle for elections is coming. Can the PKR-led Selangor government recover after repeatedly shooting itself in the foot?

Malaysiakini : It’s a given that it will contest all Federal Territory seats in the peninsula (11 in Kuala Lumpur and one in Putrajaya), adding a further 12, to make 34 already.

That has major implications for the rest of Peninsular Malaysia, assuming that’s where Bersama’s focus is. If the revitalised party can contest all seats in Selangor, what’s to stop it from contesting all seats in mixed-race states?

That means you can include all seats in Penang (13 parliamentary, 40 state), Perak (24, 59), Negeri Sembilan (eight, 36), Malacca (six, 28) and Johor (26, 56). That makes a grand total of 111 parliamentary seats alone. If they win even a fifth, they are a force to reckon with.

Demand for alternative party

Is this all up in the air, or is there supporting evidence for probable support for Bersama? Rafizi said in the interview that there is.

“Bersama is a political start-up. We need time to validate our hypothesis. This month, we will examine acceptance. By June, we will be able to measure acceptance. By the end of June, we can profile the seats we can contest. We need money - we have to cut our coat according to our cloth,” he said.

“In Selangor, we can contest all seats. Demographics show that we have the highest support here, with seats held by PKR, DAP, Bersatu, PAS, and Amanah. Profiles show we have potential in all seats.

“We don’t care if it is (Prime Minister) Anwar (Ibrahim), or PKR or DAP, where we feel there is demand and adoption of us, we will contest.”

Data until April, he said, shows the emergence and growth of disenfranchised voters (those who don’t know who to vote for). The percentage support for Pakatan Harapan, Perikatan Nasional, BN - all came down for all races.

“We run a statistically competent national and local poll every month. We track a question on which parties are supported. Harapan, BN, and PN have about equal support, plus or minus two percentage points.

“’Not sure’ (answer) is the most ticked and has been growing since October, accounting for 32 percent. The remaining 68 percent is divided amongst the three.

“We wanted to know there was empirical evidence for our hypothesis (that a new party was needed). By February, we knew there was a market for a new party.”

He said political analysis is simplistic - historical.

“We have validated demand and interest in a new segment - it is there. We will cross 20,000 members in a week - that’s not bad. In PKR, if we got 5,000 members in a week, that would be fantastic.”

The membership rose to 16,000 over four days. It includes PAS sympathisers, former Harapan supporters, and some Umno supporters as well.

“We are getting interest from a wide section. We ask for a declaration of age, race, previous parties, etc. The majority are those who have not belonged to a party. We will get a breakdown in a week.

“Many were unexpected - ex-colleagues from Petronas, one of them a CEO (in one of the companies), who retired 10 years ago. We can’t use previous figures to assess our chances. We are sure we won’t lose our deposits,” he quipped.

The immediate question is how much progress the party will make in the coming election. That will decide much of its future. But first, Rafizi has to secure his former constituency, Pandan, where an interesting development is unfolding.

Initial panic

The initial panic among PKR and Anwar is already reflected in the party president focusing attention on Pandan, Rafizi’s constituency before he resigned recently as MP. If you get Rafizi down, then the movement is nipped in the bud.

Anwar has brought former Umno member and investment, trade and industry minister, Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, to Pandan. Most likely, it will be Zafrul who will contest against Rafizi, but it does not seem likely that the former has a good chance of winning.

Harapan's Dzulkefly Ahmad retained his Kuala Selangor seat in November 2022 after a tough challenge from Zafrul. The former health minister polled 31,033 votes to Zafrul's 30,031 for a majority of 1,002.

Remember, Zafrul was in Umno at that time. But Anwar let him continue as a minister through an appointment to the Senate. He was forced to step down when his six-year term with the Senate expired in December 2025.

Despite that, Zafrul was appointed senior political adviser to the prime minister for a two-year term starting in March and Malaysian Investment Development Authority chairperson, serving a two-year term that began in December last year.

Zafrul’s rapid rise

Zafrul became a PKR member in July 2025 following his resignation from Umno shortly before, in a move, together with a rapid rise in party ranks, that attracted animosity and criticism from long-time PKR members.

Zafrul has been cultivating Pandan already, now with Anwar’s direct help, with the clear intention to topple Rafizi in the next election and get himself a parliamentary seat.

But that’s not going to be easy with Rafizi’s popularity increasing and many seeing him as the last hope for an equitable Malaysia.

A lot will depend on election timing. If it is at full term, that will give Bersama time to organise, get members and raise money, which will mean it can gain considerable strength and contest many seats.

For that reason alone, an election is likely to be early despite public pronouncements that component parties have committed to supporting the Madani government to the end of the full term.

Bersama has the potential to take things far. It is extremely unlikely to win this round of elections, but it is likely to build a base, perhaps up to 30 seats. Anything much above that seems unlikely, although not impossible.

Cultivate Pandan

Rafizi and Nik Nazmi have captured the imagination of many Malaysians with their grand, some will say grandiose, visions. But one piece of advice, Rafizi should make sure he cultivates Pandan to ensure he is there to fight the battle.

Remember Nurul Izzah Anwar, against all expectations, lost in Permatang Pauh, thought to be a PKR and Anwar stronghold, to PAS’ Fawwaz Jan at GE15, defeated by a majority of 5,272 votes, securing 32,366 votes against Fawwaz's 37,638.

Rafizi needs to be there to fight the good fight, but he has to win at Pandan, where PKR will put all its resources into defeating him. At the same time, he needs to work to put in a significant number of MPs to be, hopefully, kingmakers at least.

He is saying all the right things: “We can’t continue as before, there has to be change - in the economy, education, wages and others. Anwar has not succeeded in handling racial issues because he is tiptoeing around Umno.

“We need a unity dept to handle this, the PM must chair this and do things. We have it for the economy, why not here? Bring everyone down to common ground.”

Rafizi said that there are 10 MPs with “our own views, we hold the 10 MPs card”, referring to how the bloc can be used to stop legislation and gain concessions.

“We know the leverage of a small party. You have to know your strength and leverage it to pressure the government. Pushing our agenda is more important than going for seats. We intend to disrupt, not to take control,” he added.

If anybody can disrupt, Rafizi can. But in the long run, we hope that he can do more than that. Let’s have some patience. Malaysia won’t be rebuilt in a day.

Malaysiakini : Things have been simmering since then within the Indian-Tamil community, with murmurs of unhappiness with the Pakatan Harapan government and Anwar himself.

There were even suggestions that the community vote for the opposition in the future.

But Anwar, apparently, was not aware of or ignored such sentiments from the ground. As if in defiance and ignorance of this sector of the electorate, Anwar was at it again.

Escalation

In February, in a speech that was construed as “smacking of arrogance”, he announced that the government had barred the construction and operation of all houses of worship built without official approval.

He declared that local councils have the prerogative to remove any illegal houses of worship.

In an immediate response, the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Taoism warned that the prime minister’s statement was too general and could be interpreted as applying to all places of worship indiscriminately.

The group urged the prime minister to clarify whether the directive applies to places of worship that existed before Merdeka, arguing that categorising decades-old places of worship as “illegal” under the law is arbitrary and unfair.

Lawyers Ambiga Sreenevasan and N Surendran demanded that Anwar withdraw his remarks as the directive was unprecedented and had serious consequences.

“For starters, only a court can declare with finality that a temple is occupying land illegally, and a court order is required before it can be demolished. In no circumstances can temple management be labelled trespassers, and police action taken against them,” they said.

But vigilante groups were already on the prowl. A temple in Rawang was demolished, a rally was organised, and other minor incidents were reported.

‘Misconstrued’

On May 10, Anwar appeared to acknowledge that some of his remarks about Hindu temples had been perceived as tacit support for hostility directed at the Indian community.

Speaking to Indian students at Universiti Malaya, Anwar suggested that his call for stern enforcement against houses of worship built without permits may have been “misconstrued”, describing such interpretations as attempts to sow division.

Anwar had faced criticism from leaders within the Indian Malaysian community, who argued that his use of the term “kuil haram” (illegal temples) could be seen as endorsing unilateral action.

At the same event, he announced that the allocation for the Malaysian Indian Transformation Unit (Mitra) had been increased from RM100 million to RM150 million.

He was in an apologetic mood, acknowledging his imperfections while reaffirming his commitment to carrying the responsibility entrusted to him.

“I realise that no human being is perfect, and there are still shortcomings within myself that I constantly reflect upon.

“However, I continue to shoulder this responsibility with all my heart and soul, because every step taken is to ensure that the future of the nation and homeland will always be protected,” he said.

Then, on Saturday, speaking at the Madani Harmony Discourse, he called on the peace-loving majority to speak up against narratives of hatred and slander being propagated by a minority group against society in the country.

He said the situation appeared to reflect a “tyranny of the minority”, where a small group of loud, angry individuals who spread slander were attempting to impose their will on the majority of the people.

“Now, it is the noisy minority - angry, cruel, and stirring up emotions. They gather, sow hatred, spread slander, and instil fear in others. This seems like a tyranny of the minority. The oppression and cruelty of a small group forcing the larger group (majority).”

What more can people do?

But on how many occasions has he sung the same song? Countless times, he made the same threat - don’t touch on race, religion, and royalty but it has not abated.

On the contrary, the tempo has increased, especially on social media, which has become a snake pit of sorts for racist remarks.

Many, including this writer, have repeatedly spoken up against the escalation of racist remarks, and many have made police reports. What more can be done if action is not taken?

Lack of enforcement and, in some cases, selective prosecution have caused religious extremists and racists to accelerate their display of hatred.

Anwar’s shifting tone - from arrogance to apology, from “victory” to victimhood - only underscores the government’s failure to enforce some laws fairly and consistently.

When temples are singled out while other illegal structures remain untouched, when threats against minorities are tolerated, but criticism of leaders is swiftly acted upon, the message is unmistakable - selective prosecution is not a peculiarity; it is the operating principle.

Until enforcement is blind to race, religion, and political convenience, we will remain trapped in a cycle where extremists thrive, minorities feel besieged, and the prime minister will go unheard against the din of unchecked hatred.

Blinkered justice

Anwar’s rhetoric, from declaring “victory” over a century-old temple to pleading that his words were “misconstrued”, is more than a matter of tone.

It exposes a deeper malaise: a government that speaks of unity while practising division, that warns against racial and religious provocation while leaving enforcement conveniently selective.

By branding temples “illegal” while thousands of unlicensed eateries and workshops escape scrutiny, the administration signals that the law is not blind but blinkered.

Each apology, each new allocation, each call for harmony rings hollow when there is unequal treatment and unchecked hostility.

The prime minister’s refrain about the “tyranny of the minority” is itself a paradox. If extremists are truly a minority, why does their venom dominate the discourse?

Because selective prosecution has emboldened them, and silence from institutions has given them space to thrive. Social media, left unpoliced, has become the echo chamber of hate, while temples become the scapegoats of enforcement.

What the nation needs is consistency: a rule of law applied without fear or favour, a government that protects all communities equally, and a prime minister whose words do not inflame divisions but extinguish them.

Every politician is doing the latter because mainstream politicians love telling us how it could be instead of how it is. The first step is recognising the problem.

Will people buy it?

The former Pandan MP was reported as saying that “Pakatan Harapan could still win 80 to 90 parliamentary seats even in its weakest state, thanks to the support of progressive-minded voters”, whom he estimated at 35 percent to 40 percent of the electorate.

“Bersama was to give this segment of the electorate, as well as young voters, a new option at the ballot box,” he said.

I get that Rafizi is beloved by progressive Malays and non-Malays, but the question remains.

Will his kamikaze mission resonate with the very people who say they want change but have never demonstrated that they are willing to give their votes to anyone except DAP, which is supposed to be the progressive red line of this country?

Furthermore, how is Rafizi, especially in a position of influence, going to counter the religiosity and racism of the Malay establishment under the guise of Malay rights?

How would he balance needed reform and the corruption of entitlement programmes while adhering to an egalitarian framework?

See, people on a kamikaze mission would have no problem pointing out that someone like former Damansara MP Tony Pua is standing up for the Constitution, while his critics have not only no respect for the Constitution but have also gone against the royal institution diktats.

Furthermore, it was Umno which curtailed the powers of the royalty under former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad. It was probably the one utilitarian thing the party did, no doubt for self-serving reasons.

Where does Bersama stand?

I do not care which DAP faction Pua belongs to because I believe that the party has become part of the problem.

What I want to know is where Bersama stands on issues that affect the country, like fidelity to the Constitution.

Rafizi said, “We don’t care if the seats are held by PKR, DAP, Amanah, Bersatu, or Umno - if there is a need for us to fight, we will do so.” What does this mean?

Honestly, nearly every seat has been infected by Madani’s neo-BN-ism. How would this translate when it comes to his belief in multiethnic middle-ground politics?

To this, we should add that when Rafizi criticises PKR, it is welcomed with open arms, but supposing he is critical of the DAP, then what happens?

Data determining where candidates are fielded sounds suspect.

The urban areas, for instance, are rife with political and corporate corruption, which determines a kind of bureaucratic mafia controlled by ruling regimes, which is ultimately destroying this country.

And yet, urban voters, especially non-Malays, are willing to throw in their lot with legacy parties for various reasons.

Do not get me wrong. I will be more than happy if Bersama breaks up the monopoly in urban and semi-urban areas because power and policies flow down from these areas.

If Bersama even becomes a fly in the ointment that powers the gravy train, which is what is destroying the majority community, this would be a welcome change from what we have now.

Indeed, what we are witnessing is that our urban and semi-urban areas, which used to be somewhat progressive enclaves, are slowly succumbing to the religiosity of Madani.

Take the recent alarm raised by Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung about the guidelines regarding non-Malay houses of worship.

As usual, we are told these guidelines are suspended pending review, but it is the old game being played over and over again.

It might just work

If Bersama walks the progressive talk and the majority community sees leaders who are willing to slay sacred cows for the betterment of all Malaysians, who knows, this may affect the local politics of rural areas.

The majority have never really had an alternative when it comes to mainstream politics. While the non-Malays had to choose the lesser of two evils, the majority, for whatever reasons, were content with the status quo.

Except now, geopolitics is changing everything so fast, and the economic competition brought upon by migrant workers and encroachment into traditional Malay domains is fueling resentment.

Let us not forget that Nik Nazmi understands that appealing to the Malay far-right is not a viable strategy, especially since Perikatan Nasional does that so well.

“At the end of the day, we can’t outflank PN in terms of playing the Malay or Islam card, because we know that that is their comparative advantage in a way.”

Nik Nazmi’s words were prophetic when he said this about PKR: “It’s always a challenging balancing act, and I think PKR feels it the most. We get squeezed out in the middle because our constituencies are multiracial.

“For many political parties, they have easy template answers or solutions. But for PKR, we can’t, because, you know, we have people who are very, very liberal on one end and you have people who are quite conservative on the other in our constituency.”

Now we have Bersama, which is supposed to be unabashedly progressive, which means there should be no balancing act.

Same old, same old doesn’t cut it

This is an important point because the mainstream political establishment is going to attack Bersama by trolling them on race and religion issues.

Blaming Umno or even the prime minister just doesn’t cut it. We do not need a collection of political types coming out and spewing bromides.

What is needed are leaders who are unafraid to speak out against those seeking to inflame communal tensions.

We need leaders who would understand that these so-called fringe voices are merely parroting mainstream policies of racial and religious superiority.

Keep in mind that policy decisions and implementation are based on race and religion, and it remains to be seen if Bersama will face these issues head-on or will quibble, which means it is not really on a kamikaze mission.

Rafizi seems to understand this. In 2017, he said that in order to save Malaysia, the Malays must be won over.

“We are partly responsible for the predicament we are in because we have taken the approach that they don’t understand. The more we talk down to them, the more they don’t trust us.

“We just have to convince the people enough that we can do a better job. We must honestly accept failings and offer solutions that may be controversial.”

If Bersama is really on a kamikaze mission, it would offer controversial solutions, which may even be controversial to the non-Malays.

Rational Malaysians have heard feel-good rhetoric, but action is what saves a country.