Possible mechanisms include the Attorney-General’s Chambers under Dusuki Mokhtar, the Chief Secretary of the Public Service Department under Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar, parliamentary oversight committees, or a royal commission of inquiry.

Disappointingly, the government has chosen to treat this as a civil service disciplinary matter, leaving the chief secretary to decide the next steps. This cautious move preserves institutional appearance and avoids fully confronting the legal and ethical implications.

Minister Fahmi Fadzil's reluctance to disclose further details of the investigation is unacceptable. How is this a disciplinary issue and not a criminal corruption investigation? This hesitancy has arisen because the investigator is being investigated.

The Madani administration brands itself as a reformist government, and the prime minister knows that the Azam issue functions as a political trap: An aggressive investigation could expose weaknesses within the MACC, undermine the agency’s credibility, and give opposition groups leverage to claim systemic corruption.

On the other hand, to delay or dilute the investigation, reinforces public perceptions of insider protection much like a members-only club, eroding trust and making the GE14 reform promises look hollow.

Paradox

Unsurprisingly, the political instinct has been to delay, redirect, or diffuse pressure. Successive governments tend to use this classic tactic to avoid immediate accountability.

Allegations reported by Bloomberg describe a network of business figures allegedly colluding with enforcement officers to manipulate companies. Politically, this reframes the story from “Did the MACC chief break rules?” to “Is there a broader corporate conspiracy?”

While the narrative appears to show decisive action against systemic corruption, it also diffuses pressure on Azam personally. Talking about a bigger corruption investigation makes the government look active, but also reduces the pressure to answer the specific questions about Azam.

Here lies the paradox: the MACC is simultaneously accused of selectively undermining certain businesses while protecting others, yet the perceived threat of the ‘corporate mafia’ functions as a bogeyman.

Companies and officials not directly involved behave cautiously, fearing scrutiny, which reinforces elite control and maintains the appearance of oversight. In other words, the elites stay protected, and the rest walk on eggshells. It may look like oversight is working, even if it’s just a show.

Cast our minds back to the 2018 general election, which ended decades of uninterrupted Umno-Baru rule. Today, the ruling coalition still includes Umno-Baru elements, with many leaders retaining their Umno-Baru DNA despite belonging to other parties.

Reformers must juggle power-sharing and institutional integrity. In doing so, they hesitate to pursue major investigations that might rock elite networks. Coalition politics and influential officials often undermine well-intentioned reforms.

Ask any Malaysian, and they will say that they expect the rule of law, independent institutions and anti-corruption enforcement in the country. Delays in the Azam investigation feed perceptions of double standards, institutional protection, political survival and selfish self-interests overriding reform.

Trust in governance, both on the domestic and international fronts, depends on visible, credible enforcement, especially at the top. Not listening to the rakyat is why public frustration is growing.

Stakes are high

The core paradox boils down to this: systems versus powerful individuals. Investigating systemic corruption, such as the alleged corporate mafia, is politically easier than investigating the head of the MACC.

Selective enforcement, structural protection, and coalition politics converge to create an environment where the most powerful man in Malaysia can operate with relative impunity, while ordinary citizens and businesses face the bogeyman of systemic oversight.

The stakes are high, and a transparent, high-profile investigation would:

• Reassert MACC independence and restore domestic credibility,

• Boost investor confidence by signalling fair enforcement and a level playing field,

• Strengthen the reformist image of the Madani administration ahead of GE16, and

• Ensure governance is predictable, transparent, and resilient.

Failing to act decisively risks entrenching cynicism, undermining public trust, and sending the wrong signal internationally: that Malaysia tolerates selective enforcement at the top while expecting compliance from everyone else.

A rigorous, transparent investigation into Azam and a full probe of the MACC would carry substantial benefits. Public trust would be restored. Institutional independence would be strengthened, and show that the MACC is not a political tool. Investor confidence would be enhanced.

Perhaps, more importantly for the leaders of the Madani administration, whose reputations are declining, they would gain political advantage ahead of GE16.

Decisive action would signal courage and principle, strengthen the coalition’s reformist image, and counter perceptions that parties such as DAP are passive or disengaged.

For Anwar, the choice is stark: Inaction? Or act decisively to uphold transparency and the rule of law?

For the nation, the implications, political, economic, and reputational, could not be higher. Malaysians will not tolerate the most powerful man in Malaysia remaining beyond meaningful accountability.

---

Editor's note: Amid allegations that its officers are entangled in a “corporate mafia” scheme, the MACC on Feb 24 issued a second firm denial and dismissed the claims as baseless.

It seems his aides curate briefings to deliver only victories. But this, unfortunately, is not a victory; it is a national embarrassment of the highest order, exposing Malaysian football to charges of systemic skullduggery.

FAM itself tied the prime minister to this fiasco. After Anwar had congratulated the team on their 4-0 win over Vietnam last June, FAM, in a statement, thanked his administration not just for the RM30 million allocation, but also for “facilitating the documentation” of the seven players. The government’s fingerprints are all over this.

Through the National Registration Department (NRD) and Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, whose ministry oversees it, the government’s role is already a matter of public record.

NRD’s bluff

When the scandal broke, a declaration dated Sept 19, 2025 made by NRD director-general Badrul Hisham Alias, and submitted to Fifa as a defence statement, stated that the players provided the required documents with the names and identification details of their grandparents.

“In accordance with our internal procedures, NRD conducted a cross-examination and verification of this information. As part of this verification, the government also received documentation relating to all seven applicants issued in Argentina, Brazil, and Spain.

“These documents were reviewed and used as part of our internal cross-verification process to confirm the applicants’ lineage through their grandparents. This comparative assessment of foreign and domestic records was a standard measure undertaken to ensure accuracy and integrity in determining eligibility,” it said.

Three bodies - the Fifa Disciplinary Committee, Fifa Appeals Committee, and the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS) have called NRD’s bluff; there is no such lineage. So, what has NRD got to say?

In January, Badrul said they would address all concerns and allegations after a conclusive report is released.

“We will answer this later. After the report is out, we will address the issue because inconsistency can complicate the matter,” he told Malaysiakini.

So, what is holding up the explanation of the issue? How did NRD find links or lineage when none were presented to any of these panels? Was Badrul ordered to lie? By whom?

The game is up. The bravado has died. The threats of legal war have fizzled into silence. The high-priced Geneva lawyers, paid with public funds, could not undo the damage.

Now, on top of those legal fees, FAM must swallow its pride and wire 350,000 Swiss Francs to Fifa - the fine for its reckless defiance.

But no fine will appease Malaysians. Because this was not just an administrative failure; it was an exercise in cheating, executed with public money. It was an abuse of taxpayer funds to deceive the very people who fund the game.

No amount of spin, no condescending press statements, and no threats of lawsuits can change that. The appeal process is over. Those who beat their chests about “going to war” have retreated with their tails between their legs, their silence deafening.

Rakyat want answers, accountability

But Malaysians have not retreated. We have a right to know the full extent of this rot. Here are the questions that will not go away:

Who exactly mooted the idea of recruiting these specific foreign-born players? Was it a collective brainwave among the 16 executive council members?

It is absurd to imagine a sudden flash of inspiration electrifying the room, with everyone leaping to their feet in unison. Ideas like this come from individuals.

Who was it? Was it a proposal from a third party, an agent or a fixer, funnelled through an exco member?

And who, specifically, in FAM walked into the NRD office to submit the birth certificate applications? What documents did they provide as proof?

Most critically, to the NRD: What “secondary evidence” was gathered to falsely establish that a grandparent of these players was born in Malaysia? What is the standard of proof when the integrity of the nation's citizenship is at stake?

Digging up the truth

For 166 days, we have been told to trust the process. But the process was rigged. The truth has been buried under a mountain of lies, legal fees, and fines. It is time to dig it up.

Malaysians deserve answers, not silence. We deserve the names, the documents, and the accountability that have been so artfully dodged.

This saga has never really been about football. It is about a culture of impunity that allows officials to gamble with the nation’s reputation and taxpayer money, then hide behind legal smoke and mirrors when the bet fails.

The silence from the top is not just an oversight; it is a quiet resignation to the rot. If our leaders cannot answer for how public funds were used to forge public documents, then they are not just silent partners in this scandal - they are complicit in the cover-up.

The truth has been sanctioned, fined, and silenced for 166 days since the fiasco emerged last year, and that is 166 days too long.

However, Malaysian organisers often believed attendance had to be encouraged with food. Nasi lemak, curry puffs, and other dishes appeared at talks, sometimes sold cheaply, sometimes offered freely.

It was hospitality, perhaps a way to recreate home, but it also revealed a style of leadership reliant on inducement rather than persuasion.

In sharp contrast, in Britain, student political meetings rarely require such incentives. People attend because the argument itself is compelling.

Quiet caution

Among Malaysian students, a quiet culture of caution existed. Some attendees were thought to be government observers or informants. Photographs were sometimes taken.

Some students allegedly received warning letters from the Malaysian education attaché or scholarship bodies, reminding them that participation in political activities could jeopardise funding or result in termination of studies.

Some students attended anyway. Incidentally, this culture of fear continues today.

I recall meeting Chai during that period, when he was a student activist in England. Like many of his generation, he was passionate about reformasi and the belief that Malaysia could be something better than it had been.

He followed Anwar Ibrahim’s struggles closely and had been inspired by Anwar’s courage and attention to the disenfranchised. Chai and his friends in London braved rain and intimidation to protest injustice, not for reward, but for ideals of fairness and hope.

Different national conversation

Years later, Chai would find himself at the centre of a different national conversation.

The former aide to ex-economy minister Rafizi Ramli is under MACC investigation in connection with a RM1.1 billion collaboration involving British semiconductor company Arm Holdings.

The MACC states Chai is being sought to assist investigations related to the deal.

Chai has disputed the public notice and press coverage. He argues authorities made little effort to contact him privately before issuing the notice and giving the impression he was a fugitive.

The MACC, however, maintains they attempted to contact him via WhatsApp starting Feb 24 but received no response; the number was later blocked.

They stress that such notices do not imply guilt and are routine for any citizen’s cooperation.

At this stage, the facts remain contested. Chai insists he acted in good faith, while the authorities maintain their actions were lawful.

The public response, however, points to something broader than a single case.

Disillusioned

For many Malaysians who once invested hope in political reform, Chai's story resonates because it touches on a sense of disillusionment.

The generation that came of age during reformasi believed politics could move beyond patronage, factional rivalry, and the weaponisation of institutions.

Some idealists returned to serve in government, civil society, or the private sector. Others discovered how difficult change could be. Many quietly built lives elsewhere, closing the door behind them.

The most telling voices are often those who could have benefited from the system. Many Malay Muslims, who are more likely to face fewer barriers in education, employment, and public life, spoke of reluctance to return.

They did not say this with anger, but quiet resignation, observing a system they did not wish to navigate. These were individuals who could have prospered comfortably, yet chose distance over accommodation.

None of this means Malaysia lacks talent. The country continues to produce remarkable individuals who remain attached to its future. But the loss of idealism is harder to measure than the loss of people.

People can leave, but ideals leaving is irreversible and corrosive. Loss of idealism is invisible, harder to quantify, but arguably more damaging.

When young, bright, committed people stop believing that the system can change, the country loses the moral and civic energy needed to push for reform.

When idealism starts to fade

Chai’s case will ultimately be decided through investigation and evidence. The authorities have their account; Chai has offered his own. It is not the task of a writer to decide here.

What his story reveals is how fragile political idealism can be when it encounters the machinery of power.

For the generation that once believed reformasi could reshape politics, the question is not simply who is right or wrong. It is whether the ideals that animated those struggles still have a place in the country’s life.

Nations rarely notice the moment when idealism begins to fade. Yet over time, those moments shape a country’s future as surely as any policy or election.

For more than three decades, he submitted several applications before his citizenship was approved on January 19 and received his MyKad 10 days later.

In June last year, seven foreigners - Gabriel Felipe Arrocha, Facundo Garcés, Rodrigo Holgado, Imanol Machuca, João Figueiredo, Jon Irazabal, and Héctor Hevel - knowingly submitted birth certificates containing false information in their applications for Malaysian citizenship, MyKad, and passports.

It is now public knowledge that the birth certificates of these were “manufactured” by the NRD, and their applications for citizenship were fast-tracked by the same department.

For context, the NRD claimed that the birth certificates of their grandparents were issued after it had gathered “secondary evidence” that they were born in various parts of Malaysia, but the International Federation of Association Football (Fifa) had obtained the original birth certificates issued in Brazil, Argentina, and the Netherlands.

If the same law - the National Registration Act - had been applied to these seven, their MyKads would have been seized and their citizenship revoked. More importantly, they would have been prosecuted.

Double standards

But these seven are no ordinary Joes. At one time, they were so revered and valued that even the home minister “abused his powers” to fast-track their citizenship applications.

They are football journeymen - or, to put it bluntly, “mercenaries” - willing to sign and falsify documents to change their nationalities for a few shillings.

Their “Godfather” – someone in or connected to the Football Association of Malaysia (FAM), after one debacle after another at football’s controlling body, Fifa, went to the Court of Arbitration for Sport for redemption.

Acting president Yusoff Maqhadi described it as “a major war” to defend Malaysia’s footballing reputation, declaring that all resources would be used.

But they forgot the doctrine that those seeking equity must come with clean hands. It requires that anyone seeking equitable relief from a court must act with fairness, good faith, and without fraudulent conduct regarding the matter in dispute.

A moot point: Malaysia does not recognise dual citizenship. So, has the NRD seized the blue MyKads and has the Immigration Department revoked their passports?

The archives contain numerous anecdotal accounts of individuals like Soliman who have waited years - sometimes even decades - for their citizenship applications to be processed.

But in the case of the seven foreigners, it took just 45 days for their applications for birth certificates, MyKads, citizenship, and passports to be issued.

A case of NRD’s double standards? The answer is a resounding “yes”.

Distortion of justice

Malaysia’s citizenship system is no longer merely a bureaucratic maze - it has become a mirror reflecting the nation’s legal, moral, and ethical contradictions.

On one side, ordinary long-time residents like Soliman endure decades of humiliation, waiting for recognition that should have been theirs by birthright.

On the other hand, foreign footballers are ushered through the gates of citizenship in a matter of weeks, their papers “manufactured” by the very institution entrusted with safeguarding national identity.

This is not a clerical error. It is a deliberate distortion of justice. The NRD bent the rules for mercenaries in football jerseys while punishing elderly Malaysians for minor infractions, thus shredding the principle of equality before the law.

The doctrine of clean hands - so loudly invoked in court cases and international arbitration rings hollow when the state itself is complicit in fraud.

The hypocrisy is staggering: villagers in Sarawak are told to wait, plead, and prove their existence, while imported strikers are handed blue MyKads as if they were trophies.

The law, meant to protect the sanctity of citizenship, has been weaponised to serve expedience and political vanity. What does it say about a nation when its most sacred document - the birth certificate - is treated as negotiable currency in the marketplace of football?

Rigged system

Malaysia does not recognise dual citizenship, yet the silence over whether these passports and MyKads have been revoked speaks volumes. It suggests not oversight, but complicity. And complicity corrodes trust.

Every citizen who has fought for decades to be recognised now knows that the system is not broken - it is rigged.

The real scandal is not just about football. It is about the erosion of integrity in governance. If citizenship can be bought, bent, or bartered, then the very idea of belonging becomes meaningless.

Until the same law is applied without fear or favour - whether to a stateless villager or a foreign mercenary, the promise of justice will remain a hollow slogan, and Malaysia’s credibility will continue to bleed, not just on the football field, but in the conscience of the nation itself.

Hence, Madani, as the inheritor of the means and methods of how Umno sustained power, is in no position to claim that it is unaware of how to contact Chai.

Any rational person will understand that the intent of this “wanted person” notice was to intimidate and warn others of the pitfalls of going against state narratives.

The prime minister and various factotums of Madani have rebuffed allegations of the supposed “corporate mafia” because they are merely hearsay, but the MACC is quick to smear Chai’s name and a few others in police reports lodged.

The fact that DAP has said there needs to be a royal commission of inquiry (RCI) on these issues, and Bersih and other prominent longtime activists have argued the same, demonstrates that reformasi is not only dead but buried.

Chai wrote that Anwar made him believe in something. He is not the only one.

Anwar made many Malaysians, especially the non-Malay community, believe in something. And these were not lofty goals. These were baseline democratic norms and traditions, which were eroded after decades of Umno rule.

Other ministers must also face questioning

If this were a serious investigation, then perhaps we should pay attention to what Chai wrote, specifically this:

“On the first day of KL20, April 22, 2024, Arm Holdings’ team was urgently invited to see the prime minister at his office. I was not in that meeting, but from the photos I found on Instagram, several ministers like Gobind Singh Deo, Zambry Abdul Kadir, Fahmi Fadzil, ex-minister Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, and other high-ranking government officials were present.”

What I want to know is, have all those people in that meeting been questioned by the MACC? After all, if you are going to investigate a former minister and his team, would it not be logical to question every other minister who was part of the proceedings of the Arm Holdings deal?

And we have to wonder why Fahmi, who was at that meeting, is keeping silent on this issue.

Investigating a former minister and his team is not something that a government should take lightly, but seeing as how this was instigated by a police report and the MACC takes such allegations deathly seriously, shouldn’t all ministers involved, either directly or indirectly with this deal, be questioned?

Or is this solely a Rafizi issue?

Keep in mind that this was a deal which was signed at a public event attended by the big cheeses of Madani. So this idea that this was some sort of backroom deal orchestrated by Rafizi and his team, for self-profit, is, as the Puchong MP Yeo Bee Yin said, a cerita dongeng (fairy tale) - much like reformasi, I suppose.

Racial and political bias

Another point to consider in all of this is the racial angle. Chai wrote of the “type-C is corrupt“ angle. Keep in mind that in the alleged corporate mafia, it was alleged that Azam was colluding with a cartel of Chinese businesspeople.

Folks have been sending me these screenshots and narratives on various social media platforms, of how a narrative is being formed that institutions are being corrupted by the Chinese monied class. This, of course, is typical ketuanan (supremacist) methodology.

And so is using government machinery and democratic processes to go after detractors. Anwar should know this, and so should DAP.

Remember in 2017 when the Umno state launched a witch hunt targeting former premier Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar for the forex losses.

From reportage:

“Yesterday, Anwar, who was the finance minister during that period, denied he had suggested the need to cover up the actual losses. Anwar refuted former Bank Negara assistant governor Abdul Murad Khalid’s claim that Anwar told him he would need to resign as finance minister if the figure was made public.”

Now I am sure Chai had his eyes opened in his brief time in the government. But I also know this - the state is targeting him because it is hoping he is a weak link. But I believe that he is made of sterner stuff.

The committee held: “Using fraudulent documentation to allow a player to compete constitutes, pure and simple, a form of cheating, which cannot in any way be condoned.

“Such conduct erodes trust in the fairness of competitions and jeopardises the very essence of football as an activity founded on honesty and transparency.”

The conclusion was that none of the grandparents of the players was born in Malaysia, as Fifa through their own investigations, had possession of the original certificates.

Not a mistake, but fraud

FAM put forward a defence of a “technical error” by its administrative staff. Its then-acting president, Yusoff Mahadi, stressed that all documentation and procedures had been submitted transparently in accordance with the prescribed guidelines.

However, the words used by the committee were telling enough to prompt Takiyuddin Hassan, the chief Parliament whip for the opposition Perikatan Nasional coalition, to state that the scandal went beyond “routine administrative errors”.

“This is not a technical mistake, but a deliberate act of fraud,” he said.

Still defiant and proclaiming innocence, FAM appealed, but again, it was dismissed by Fifa’s Appeals Committee. Reaffirming the damning verdict from Fifa’s Disciplinary Committee - consigning the nation’s football administrators to the bottom of the heap and concluding that “Malaysia used forged documents”.

Former deputy law minister Hanipa Maidin said that if he were representing FAM, his advice would be straightforward - don’t waste time or money challenging the decision on the “heritage” players issue.

He made these observations after reviewing the full written judgment issued by the appeal committee, a detailed document spanning 64 pages and 304 paragraphs.

But what did they have to persuade CAS to overrule Fifa? Nothing. Zilch. Zero.

Entering battle with manufactured lies

Undeterred by calls to accept the decision, FAM was defiant, saying it would take its challenge to the CAS, and Yusoff described it as “a major war” to defend Malaysia’s footballing reputation, declaring that all resources would be used.

But what kind of war is this, when the generals march in empty-handed? The birth certificates of the players’ grandparents presented by FAM are forged. CAS will have access to the originals, and FAM will be left with egg - not honour - on their faces.

The curtain has finally fallen, and the fat lady will not sing. Staring down the firing squad is the institution that gambled its credibility on forged papers.

FAM marched into battle armed not with truth but with manufactured lies, and now the war they declared has ended not in triumph but in ridicule.

The irony is brutal: in trying to defend the nation’s pride, FAM has bartered it away for cheap tricks. CAS was not swayed by doctored documents, and when the originals surfaced, FAM was left naked before the world - egg dripping from its face, dignity shattered, reputation in tatters.

This was not football administration; it was the theatre of the absurd, staged by men who mistook forgery for strategy.

And so, the verdict echoes louder than any whistle blown on the pitch: Malaysia’s football crisis is not about talent, but about truth.

And the truth, unlike forged papers, cannot be hidden in a drawer. It will expose, it will shame, and it will demand accountability. The war FAM chose to fight was lost - not on the field, but in the courtroom of integrity.

In tennis parlance, it was game, set, and match to Fifa.

They appear untouchable, immune, and above the law.

If that is the case, what happened to the reform promises? What happened to “equal and fair treatment for all Malaysians”?

Ignoring historical context

The government is aware that most of these temples were built during the colonial era, with the consent of the British and later the Japanese administrations.

All this happened long before Merdeka and before the National Land Code was enacted, when proper land documentation systems either did not exist or were entirely different.

To now brand these decades-old places of worship as illegal simply because they lack modern documentation is unjust and ignores historical realities, heritage value, and the faith of generations who have worshipped there peacefully for over a century.

The long-standing issues surrounding Hindu temples persist because the government has failed to decisively resolve temple and land ownership disputes, a matter that was part of its election commitments.

After three years in power, only now are some within the Madani administration realising the urgency of fulfilling those reform promises, and that too, after political shockwaves from Sabah sent a clear warning.

Penal Code offence

Threatening to demolish a place of worship is not rhetoric. It is an open challenge to the rule of law. It clearly violates Section 295 of the Penal Code, which covers injuring or defiling a place of worship.

Such actions also breach Section 295A of the same law, which covers deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings, and Section 506, which covers criminal intimidation.

Yet it appears the law does not apply to certain individuals. Why?

Is this a double standard? Selective enforcement? Or is there a hidden hand orchestrating this crisis for political gain?

Worse still, is this merely a calculated deflection to mask weakness and incompetence at the expense of another faith and the nation’s fragile harmony?

It is shameful that instead of upholding the rule of law decisively, some leaders are seen pleading through media statements for perpetrators to call off their gathering.

Leadership is not about begging lawbreakers. It is about enforcing the law without fear or favour. The government must act immediately. Enough of deflection.

Madani govt must act

The Indian community does not want to return to the streets as in 2007 to demand justice. However, patience should not be mistaken for weakness.

The Madani government carries a heavy responsibility to restore peace, stability, and confidence in its leadership. What we are witnessing now is the erosion of trust. Malaysians are losing faith.

The People's Progressive Party (PPP) demands immediate action against all those who are deliberately threatening the peace, harmony, and national security of this country.

The authorities must not delay or remain silent while provocative actions continue unchecked, and decisive enforcement must take place before Hindus are forced to take to the streets to demand justice and equal protection under the law.

So, when the Inspector General of Police Khalid Ismail announced last week that they were investigating an attempt to conspire to topple the government and sabotage the country's stability, the keywords were consciously absent.

He said that police were investigating a plot involving an “influential individual” and an international media agency.As investigations proceeded, Na’imah Abdul Khalid, the wife of former finance minister Daim Zainuddin, who was named in the police report, poured cold water on the claims, claiming they were laughable.

According to a copy of the police report sighted by Malaysiakini, she had allegedly held an online meeting sometime in July last year, where she discussed a purported plan to use international media outlets to mount pressure on Anwar and MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki.

PM ups the game

But on Friday, Anwar upped the ante with that infamous word – Zionists - to underline the conspiracy theory.

“Their plan included contacting all foreign media with a strategy of questioning the government’s efforts, particularly (those concerning) the MACC, and arranging moves through the Parliament, which concerns us (as the plan involved) utilising contacts among parliamentarians to destabilise (the government),” he told lawmakers.

He also urged those attempting to defend the plan to consider that the matter could possibly be linked to “prominent Zionist groups”, and for authorities to be provided the necessary time and space to complete their probe.

Yesterday, one of the two lawyers named in a police report rubbished the claims. He fired back, describing them as the “mother of all lies”.

Lawyer Nizamuddin Hamid said his client, Na’imah, had never given her legal team such instructions.

“I confirm that I am one of the lawyers named in the report. The other lawyer named was Amir Zharif Abdullah. Throughout our duties as lawyers for Na’imah, there was absolutely no discussion or instructions given to us to overthrow the government or undermine parliamentary democracy.

“There was none, and that (claim) is the mother of all lies,” Nizamuddin said.

Double standards

However, is the use of foreign public relations agencies and lobbyists wrong or illegal? Didn’t PKR leaders use foreign agencies to lobby for Anwar’s release after he was jailed on sodomy charges?

Former PKR vice-president Sivarasa Rasiah admitted that in 2016, party leaders, including himself, were in communication with a US political consultancy firm about getting Anwar out of prison.

Claiming that lobbying for the release of political detainees was normal and perfectly acceptable, he said there were emails in 2016 between him and other PKR leaders and Perseus Strategies boss, Jared Genser.

So, is there a difference between the campaign to free Anwar and one initiated by Na’imah?

Anwar, when asked why the PKR lobbying was acceptable but Na’imah’s was not, said the two were not the same - as one was a fight for freedom, while the other sought to undermine the government.

In Malaysia, conspiracy theories don’t survive on evidence - they survive on seasoning. Sprinkle in “Zionists”, stir in “foreign plots”, and suddenly the blandest allegation becomes a fiery dish for public consumption.

What began as a recycled slogan scandal has now metastasized into a political reflex: when cornered, invoke the spectre of Jews and foreign cabals.

The irony, of course, is that both sides have dipped their hands into the same lobbying jar - whether to free a jailed leader or to smear a rival.

Predictable attacks

The hypocrisy is as blinding as it is predictable. For Anwar and his administration, the definition of a “conspiracy” is now: whatever the other side does.

When foreign lobbyists worked to free him from prison, it was a noble fight for justice. When a political rival’s associate allegedly engages with international media, whether clumsily or not, it is suddenly an existential threat to democracy, laced with the shadowy hand of Zionists.

By injecting that specific, incendiary word into the narrative, Anwar is not revealing a conspiracy; he is revealing a strategy. He is reaching for the oldest instrument in Malaysia’s political toolbox to delegitimise his opponents and shut down scrutiny.

If the “mother of all lies” is that a lawyer and a former minister’s wife were plotting to topple a government via Zoom calls, then the father of all political cynicism is using the spectre of Zionists to distract citizens.

The difference lies not in principle, but in convenience. And so, the cycle continues: every crisis dressed up as a foreign conspiracy, every accusation wrapped in the same tired cloak.

In the end, the nation’s political theatre does not need new scripts - it just needs its favourite trigger words.

The real question: Is the issue the use of foreign influence, or is it simply who is wielding it? In Malaysia, apparently, a conspiracy is only a conspiracy when you are the one being targeted.

MACC issued a public search for me, as though I am a fugitive, and Azam even held a press conference about this. He gave the impression that I was hiding like a fugitive. I am not.

What happened

These are the facts and timeline of what happened during my tenure at the Economy Ministry:

• On Feb 15, 2023, I was appointed as the special functions (policy) officer to the economy minister, who was Rafizi Ramli.

• Between April 22 and 23, 2024, the government held a two-day tech conference, called KL20, that featured well-known international and local speakers from tech and startup.

  This was one of the most high-profile tech events that Malaysia has ever held: Almost RM1 billion of global funds were launched, 20 venture capital and founders decided to set up offices in Malaysia, about 10 policies and initiatives were introduced, and the largest semiconductor park in Southeast Asia was announced.

  My colleagues and I at the Economy Ministry led this conference. Arm Holdings was invited as a guest speaker in a semiconductor session.

• On the first day of KL20, April 22, 2024, Arm Holdings’ team was urgently invited to see the prime minister at his office. I was not in that meeting but from the photos I found on Instagram - several ministers like Gobind Singh Deo, Zambry Abdul Kadir, Fahmi Fadzil, ex-minister Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, and other high-ranking government officials were present in that meeting.

  To my knowledge, the main request by the government was for Arm Holdings to assist Malaysia’s semiconductor ambitions. Given the enthusiasm they felt from KL20 - and the urgency by the prime minister - the Arm Holdings’ team gave the government a rough plan of how this could look.

• After the April 22, 2024, meeting, I was tasked by the economy minister to explore this collaboration opportunity with the company because I was in charge of KL20 and most tech-related initiatives of the ministry, among others.

• Between May 2024 and March 5, 2025, I probably created about 20 Google Slides, 10 Google documents, and talked to over 100 stakeholders in the government and industry to shape the idea of the collaboration. Feedback from other ministries - including the Investment, Trade and Industry Ministry and Finance Ministry were reflected in the final agreement.

• The proposed collaboration was presented to the cabinet three times. I was not in the cabinet as I am not a minister.

• On Feb 28, 2025, Anwar announced to the media that the agreement between the government and Arm Holdings will be signed in a week’s time.

  I was informed that the prime minister also had a video call meeting with the highest executives of the company, including its CEO and chairperson, that morning. I was not involved in the meeting as I was just a special officer.

• On March 5, 2025, the government, represented by the Malaysian Investment Development Authority (Mida) CEO, signed a deal with Arm Holdings at a public event. The attendees were the prime minister, economy minister, investment, trade and industry minister; Mida CEO, and the CEO of Arm Holdings Rene Haas, among others.

• On June 17, 2025, my colleagues and I at the economy minister’s office resigned collectively with the minister.

• After my resignation, Arm Holdings requested my assistance for a short-term transition period. I was reluctant because I was thoroughly exhausted working in government (the government also made Arm Holdings promise to do a lot of things) and I wanted a break.

  But the company had no presence in Southeast Asia. They don’t know who to talk to in the government and industry, how the government works, what Southeast Asia is like, nor the culture nor the people.

  The resignation was abrupt and unexpected, so it caught everyone off guard, including me. I also felt responsible for the project that I was involved in; Arm Holdings must fulfil its obligations so that no public funds are wasted.

  So, I did two months of work for the company to help with the transition, such as setting up the office, creating Google Slides (I guess I’m the slides guy), meeting with potential integrated circuit (IC) design companies, putting the team and structure in place, organising training for engineers, and raising public awareness, etc.

• After exactly two months, I resigned from the short-term role to move on with my life.

So, to suggest that I was involved in misappropriation or abuse of power or anything of that nature, I must be proven to have (a) acted in bad faith by being involved in the project proposal for the period between May 2024 to March 2025; (b) influenced the prime minister, cabinet, and the entire government machinery; and (c) misappropriated or personally benefited from something I had influence over. I had none.

I did not influence Anwar, the cabinet, and the entire government machinery to sign with Arm Holdings so I could get a job. I didn’t even know Rafizi was going to resign at that time. Anwar doesn’t even know who I am, let alone be influenced by me.

Why go after someone like me

To know what this campaign is getting at, we need to look at it holistically. The primary narrative that the government wants to play up is that Rafizi misappropriated RM1.1 billion from the collaboration, and I, was the “Jho Low 2.0” (Low Taek Jho) who helped Rafizi with this. There are a few things behind this narrative-construct.

READ MORE: No charges, I'll sue govt, says Rafizi over MACC probe

First, instead of reaching out to me or those close to me to call me in for an investigation, MACC has resorted to issuing a public search notice and a press conference by the MACC chief to “search” for me.

They even put up my childhood home which my parents currently stay in, exposing my family to unnecessary danger, which is something I will never forgive the authorities for.

The government has ample resources at its disposal but it couldn’t even find my phone number. They could have asked my friends or my former colleagues in the government.

They could have also emailed or messaged me on social media or searched me on LinkedIn to know what I’m up to now.

I’m currently working in the UK on artificial intelligence (AI) risks and policies to regulate because this is the biggest threat of our lifetime. (I also have to work because I don’t actually have RM1.1 billion in my bank account).

For MACC’s benefit, here are my social media accounts: Facebook, Instagram, X, Substack and I even have a website.

But resorting to this elaborate public search method is meant to paint me as a fugitive with something to hide, as if I am guilty and running from the authorities.

This is excessive and potentially defamatory - I presume this is meant to be so. I can say with absolute certainty that I am not in Macau.

Cybertrooper campaign and racist attacks

Second, there has been a long-running underground cybertrooper campaign, mostly led by anonymous accounts, that tries to paint the narrative I mentioned above.

They even explicitly called me “Jho Low 2.0”. We were just waiting for a well-resourced person to repeat these claims so that we could sue for defamation. We couldn’t sue cybertroopers because if you live for RM20 per post, I doubt you will have enough resources to pay damages in court.

Some cybertroopers also suggested that I was appointed to the board of directors of Arm Holdings as a reward. I wish life were that easy.

Of course, there is a subtle racial angle to this. The idea is to find someone of a certain race to tarnish so that the public would believe it was “another Chinese who took money from the government” and not have sympathy for me. It’s the classic “type-C is corrupt’ narrative.

Third, painting me this way is easier than actually proving the case. I never once doubted the MACC’s ability to go deep into a person’s life.

Since the day we were appointed to Rafizi’s office, we knew that we were vulnerable to being attacked, investigated, and searched. I daresay that the MACC and other government machinery have probably looked into the accounts, assets, and personal lives of Rafizi and his former officers, including me. They likely found nothing.

When they looked into mine, they probably only found a modest amount of cash with credit card debt of a millennial, a mortgage for a home I half-own, and a 2020 Proton Persona that has a market value of only RM12,000. Money really isn’t my primary source of motivation in life.

If it were, I wouldn’t have joined the government. I had to reject a job offer from Singapore that pays me five times my last drawn salary, and took a 50 percent pay cut to join the government with no prospect of promotion or increment.

I wasn’t even paid until my sixth month in office because of the tremendous bureaucracy. However, I put up with this often-foolish belief that I should play my part in serving the country.

How I’m feeling now

When Rafizi first called me to offer me to join him, I took two weeks to ruminate over it. Most friends and family strongly discouraged me from doing it because it would stifle my career, waste my time (because they think Malaysia has no hope), and would leave me politically exposed.

But I had to give it a shot because I am still the same person who wrote a book about Malaysia's underdogs, called “Sang Kancil: An Ordinary Tale about How Malaysians Defied the Odds”.

I’m still the same person who wrote the article titled “Choosing to return to Malaysia, with hope” in 2017. I’m still the same person who organised the protest for Anwar.

As for how I’m feeling: Little annoyance, some sadness, and a lot of anger. Annoyed that I had to go through this unnecessary process, sad that the large state has been weaponised to go after someone small like me, and angry that they are coming after what I represent.

I am not a politician, a tycoon, or an influencer (I only have 1,200+ followers on Instagram and 131 subscribers on Substack).

Make no mistake, this is not about coming after me specifically. It is about coming after people like me. People who fell on the wrong side of the government.

You could be the most well-meaning, well-intentioned, sacrificial person who wants to serve the government, and have done nothing wrong, haven’t misappropriated a single sen - but God forbid you fall on the wrong side.

When the government is desperate and insecure, no one is safe from its radar. Today it is me, tomorrow it might be someone else.

When people tell me that Southeast Asia is lawless, arbitrary, and chaotic, I’ve always defended Malaysia. Now, I cannot in good conscience say the same anymore.

In a confusing time like this, I’m grateful that my friends and family have offered me all kinds of support: Lawyers (thank God I studied law and know some of the best lawyers), NGO support, getting the word out, reassurances, and words of prayer.

My only crime is that I held on to an idealism even into my early 30s when most people would have abandoned it by then.

But I know that the fight against injustice must continue, however inconvenient and tiring.

I know I could have taken a different path, but I will never regret serving my nation because serving Malaysia remains the greatest honour of my life. No oppression will change that.

---

JAMES CHAI is a former aide to Rafizi Ramli.

The result would be more Muslims sanctioned by the state because they are indoctrinated into thinking that religious supremacy trumps everything, and the resulting backlash by the majority community, egged on by the opposition.

When you look at all these provocations when it comes to religious issues, it normally emanates from the state. In Madani's cases, it is made worse by the reality that the prime minister always attempts to burnish his religious credentials.

Nobody forced the prime minister to claim that the demolishment of a 100 year old temple was a victory or claim that that states need to clean up “illegal” temples or preside over the conversion of a convert or define the religious narratives of this country as a fight between those who are Islamophobic and those who feel “they are the only Islamic group, and everyone else is deviant, evil, and oppressive.”

Madani equals PAS?

When it comes to PAS sowing religious and racial conflict, this is to be expected. After all, they make no secret of this.

PAS’ atavistic interpretation of Islam, of course, does not extend to its politburo, which engages in the kind of excesses that most Malay uber alles outfits engage in.

However, while the opposition may benefit from the racial and religious turmoil that exists in Madani, and yes, may very well contribute to it, the real reason Madani is in a fix is because of its racial and religious agenda, which shares too many similarities with PAS.

Two years ago, when there was a possibility that Madani was going to place Islamic Development Department (Jakim) officers in government agencies, this is what PAS said about the interfaith group, which raised concerns about this issue and of course – the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965 (Act 355).

“In both oppositions, the group clearly shows its Islamophobia, where every step taken to strengthen Islam is construed as a threat to the rights and liberties of the non-Muslims in the country.

“PAS sees the MCCBCHST’s (the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Taoism) stance as having serious repercussions and as a challenge to Muslims’ right to practise their religion.”

Neither PAS nor Madani think that Malaysia is a secular country.

"Malaysia is not a secular country. If it was, why should DAP include ‘to fight for a secular country’ in its own manifesto?

"Islam is the official religion of the federation. Then there is the idea of Malaysian Malaysia. No Malay can accept the concept of equality," said PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man.

Moderate way

To be fair to the prime minister, he did define a religious state in a more “moderate way”.

“There is no issue about complete separation of state and religion because Islam is the religion of the federation, but it is not a theocratic state where you can impose Islamic laws on everybody, including non-Muslims,” he said.

Keep in mind that this moderate form of secularism does not apply to unilateral conversion or the banning of words, films and any other things that would offend the sensitivities of Muslims.

Indeed, Madani has gone out of its way to protect Muslim sensitivities at the expense of non-Muslim sensitivities, and this is by design because it is the desiderata of religious supremacy.

Hence, to claim that Islamic imperatives would not be imposed on non-Muslims is complete horse manure.

When we talk of religious provocations, we have to understand that it is institutional.

Preachers like Firdaus Wong and Zamri Vinoth are protected because they are part of the institution.

Furthermore, look at how the police behaved in raiding a “gay party“ in Kelantan and the lies and misinformation spread during that fiasco.

The action of the police in Kelantan is particularly egregious because the top brass continued with the disingenuous narrative that they were disrupting a “gay sex party”, even though the Health Ministry confirmed that this was an event it was involved in.

The PAS state government even thanked the police for acting the way they did, even though what they did contradicted what a federal agency said about this so-called “gay sex party”.

So this is not only political, but it would seem an action endorsed by Madani. Because Madani has chosen to remain silent, this sets a precedent for the police in all other states to carry out their duties based on religious dogma, as the Kelantan police justified.

The reality is that Madani has not offered an alternative religious agenda, and what the non-Muslim voters are left with is either not voting and getting a religious state at a faster pace or voting and still getting a religious state, but at a slower pace.

In 2021, Stadlen voluntarily agreed to release RM7.1 million to a 1MDB trust account. The case against him for money laundering was subsequently dropped.

Some of the victims, former PJ Utara MP Tony Pua, being the most prominent, was investigated by the police and barred from leaving the country for “alleged conspiracy in activities detrimental to parliamentary democracy.”

Same old, same old

On Friday, a similar conspiracy emerged. The police announced that the wife of a former minister is under investigation following a report alleging that she was plotting to topple the government and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

But Na’imah Abdul Khalid, the wife of the late former finance minister Daim Zainuddin, came out swinging, dismissing the claim of being involved in any form of effort to topple the government.

In a statement, Na'imah said that any attempt suggesting she was behind the Bloomberg exposé involving MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki is not only irresponsible but also an insult to the journalists concerned.

“The claim that I am trying to destabilise or topple the government is laughable and brings to mind past accusations faced by the prime minister himself, when he used to declare having the ‘formidable numbers’ to seize power.

“Unlike him, at no time did I engage in, contemplate, or support any effort to destabilise or topple an elected government,” she said.

But by this time, a copy of the police report filed by a 54-year-old who listed his occupation as “editor” was already circulating online.

The gist of the report is as follows: On July 31 last year, he, together with his business partner, attended a discussion via Zoom with the chairperson and staff of a UK-based strategy and communication company.

Also allegedly present were Na’imah and her two sons, along with two lawyers. The discussion, the report claimed, covered the use of international media to pressure the MACC and Anwar, specifically to drop charges against Naimah.

It was also suggested to use “lobbyists” around the world, including in the UK and the US, to apply pressure on the Malaysian side.

“My partner and I felt that this matter was wrong and amounted to betraying our own country, as it involved conspiring with foreign agents to bring down the prime minister and the government of Malaysia,” the report stated.

Emerging questions

For many, this claim and the side-shows provided a welcome relief from the serious business of corporate mafia, kuil haram (illegal temples), etc, which had been making the headlines during the week.

If it was a deliberate diversion, it succeeded, but then, questions began to emerge.

Why did it take the editor more than six months to realise the matter was wrong? What happened during the interim? Mental block?

Oh yes, he was in London on Feb 10 when Bloomberg broke the story on the MACC’s shady dealings, and hence his memory was jolted, and he put two and two together.

But Na'imah offered a different explanation entirely. According to her, the individual who lodged the report had initially approached her in July 2025, offering his services as part of a proposed communications team.

He was later terminated due to poor performance. After his dismissal, she claimed, he made further monetary demands.

She insisted the contents of the police report are false and preposterous, and that its timing - seven months after the alleged meeting - points to a desperate attempt to distract the public from growing calls for Azam’s removal.

Deflecting attention

The conspiracy theory is a political chameleon, adapting its colours to suit the landscape of the moment. Once deployed to shield Najib from the 1MDB scandal, it now resurfaces to deflect attention from mounting scandals facing the Anwar administration.

The parallels are unmistakable. Then, as now, foreign actors are cast as the villains. Then, as now, the machinery of law enforcement is mobilised to investigate those who dare to challenge the status quo.

Then, as now, the timing is impeccable - and the impression of the masses is that these circumstances are designed to change the conversation when it becomes uncomfortable.

But the public is no longer naive. We have seen this script before. We have watched it unravel. And we recognise that when the dust settles, the protagonists of these manufactured crises often fade away, leaving behind a trail of distraction and division.

The question is not whether Na'imah conspired with foreign agents or just spoke with public relations personnel, which remains a matter for proper investigation.

The question is why, time and again, conspiracy theories become the default refuge of those in power.

Why, when faced with legitimate scrutiny, is the response to cry foreign interference? And why does the truth always seem to be the first casualty in these political dramas?

Until we break free from this cycle of manufactured narratives, we remain prisoners of our own political dysfunction - forever chasing shadows while the real issues fester in the dark.

When political dissent risks investigation, reputational attack, or party retaliation, many citizens understandably choose silence, leaving only a small, vocal minority willing to openly challenge the government.

‘Petty’ issues aplenty

So, what does Anwar actually consider “petty”?

Current issues driving public anger, from temple controversies, high-profile corruption scandals, minority rights infringements, environmental crises, the MACC chief’s shareholding controversy, to systemic abuses across government departments linked to the so-called MACC nexus, are hardly trivial.

They are real, tangible problems affecting millions of Malaysians every day. Dismissing them as “petty” risks alienating citizens and minimising the lived realities of those who experience economic, social, and political injustice.

While the prime minister calls some issues “petty”, ordinary Malaysians struggling with job security, rising costs, social fairness, minority rights, and limited opportunities would strongly disagree.

For many Malaysians, like myself, these issues matter, and they are anything but petty. Anwar cannot simply dismiss our fears and anxieties in such a flippant manner.

Perhaps the current troubling “ignored” issue is the MACC nexus, the network of enforcement power, corporate influence, and political connections that allows systemic abuses to persist.

This is far from petty. Ignoring the MACC nexus is like being a homeowner who sees a termite infestation in one corner of the house but does nothing.

Eventually, the problem spreads, weakens the structure, and can cause the whole house to collapse.

Not ‘fringe’ issues

Questions remain about whether serious governance failures have been adequately addressed, with critics arguing that law enforcement agencies risk being perceived as a political instrument, undermining accountability and sending a chilling message to dissenting voices.

Ordinary Malaysians witnessing this cannot help but feel their concerns are being dismissed while powerful figures and allies operate with impunity, with allegedly corrupt politicians being fully acquitted.

If this is considered “petty”, it is only in the sense that the prime minister has redefined what matters, leaving systemic corruption and abuse unchecked while public anger simmers.

It’s no longer possible to claim corruption is limited to a small fringe. The armed forces have been rocked by corruption probes involving top brass whose actions undermine national security and trust in the military.

Beyond the military, Malaysia’s customs and enforcement agencies have faced scandals where smuggling syndicates and corrupt officers allegedly caused billions in leakages and illegal activities.

Immigration enforcement has had multiple corruption allegations, too, including officers arrested over “flying passport” schemes and visa‑related misconduct. Vulnerabilities in systems meant to protect borders and human rights are not petty issues.

When police, customs, immigration, and defence officials - the people entrusted with national security and law enforcement - face corruption scandals, it is not fringe anger. It is public anger at a governance system that has failed to protect ordinary citizens.

Rakyat feeling the pinch

Meanwhile, converts and controversial figures strain Malaysia’s delicate multicultural harmony.

Non-Muslims face restrictions, and Orang Asli see their ancestral land rights eroded. Unilateral conversions of minors anger Malaysians and divide families. Ordinary citizens are left feeling that their voices, rights, and cultural identities are under threat.

Even if the economy grows on paper and exporters in sectors like electronics, rubber gloves, and condoms report strong overseas sales, this doesn’t always translate into better jobs and security for ordinary workers.

Many workers feel their livelihoods are threatened by automation and low‑cost migrant labour, with few high‑quality, sustainable jobs. These are issues that growth figures alone won’t solve.

Environmental crises, from river pollution to mismanaged rare earth projects, highlight serious governance failures and the consequences of neglect.

In October, Sungai Perak around Gerik turned blue. We await the detailed mineral analysis; have the polluter(s) been identified and punished?

Fish died, and humans face risks. Are we supposed to wait indefinitely for an outcome? This is no petty issue.

The consequences of ignoring our anger are manifold: escalating social tension, loss of trust, economic stagnation, silenced dissent, erosion of harmony, and environmental collapse.

The 16th general election could be decisive. Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, if fully acquitted, could rise. Many may cling to Anwar, not because he’s effective, but because the alternative seems worse.

So, the real anger is not a few. The majority feel unheard. Ignoring these issues risks deepening discontent and eroding trust.

Leadership is not just about encouraging investment. It is about making growth inclusive, fair, and sustainable.

Address grievances and deliver real solutions. It is essential for peace, prosperity, and survival, including Anwar’s.