Malaysiakini : So what's the real reason? Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung lamented that for years, due to the shortage of land gazetted for non-Muslim places of worship, some have operated in commercial or industrial areas.

“Why introduce restrictions on arrangements that have largely not posed problems?” he asked.

The new rules are for "new townships", and land will supposedly be provided for non-Muslims.

This means traditional Chinese and Hindu temples, Theravada and Mahayana Buddhist viharas, Sikh gurdwaras and churches of different denominations must compete for probably the single non-Muslim space.

Civilised co-existence

Instead of constraints and containment, I expected a Madani or “civilised” Malaysia to learn from our old towns like Malacca, George Town and Seremban, where there is a main “harmony street” with a mosque, church, Chinese and Hindu temple, all within walking distance.

They all coexist peacefully and nobody's faith is "confused". If space is not provided, then please don’t complain of “illegal” temples lah.

The non-Muslim worship house guidelines were approved by the Selangor state exco meeting on Nov 12, 2025 and then published.

But after Lee exposed this on May 23, the state government went into “damage control” mode, saying the rules won’t be enforced yet, pending a review in early June.

But how could the PKR-led state administration even approve such lopsided rules? I confess to having a soft spot for DAP, but even then I have to ask, did the rocket folks agree to this?

Why is Harapan shooting itself in the foot, knowing full well that its support with core non-Malay supporters is falling?

An internal PKR strategic analysis for the coming general election showed that only seven of its 31 parliamentary seats are considered “safe” (Tier 1), and even then, four of those are held by those aligned with its former deputy president Rafizi Ramli.

Even Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s own Tambun seat is now deemed “marginal” (Tier 2B) while the Gombak seat of Selangor Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari is deemed to be in the ”red zone” (Tier 3).

Does PKR have a death wish?

PJ hospital debacle

The second recent PKR own goal in Selangor is Amirudin’s recent excuse that there’s a “lack of suitable land” for the proposed Petaling Jaya government hospital.

This quickly drew brickbats as people asked why land was instead available for condos, a data centre and three new private hospitals?

Amirudin said that 2ha of land was needed – well, allow me then to assist our dear menteri besar. The SS2 mall in PJ has been dead since 2015 and has 3ha of land. A new private hospital was announced there in 2020, but the project failed to happen.

The state can use the Land Acquisition Act to take over the site, since a hospital is obviously a “public purpose”. If this freelance journalist can find the place with a 10-minute Google search, it’s mind-boggling to think that the Pakatan Harapan state government can’t.

There are also derelict industrial land plots near PJ Old Town, with some as large as 50,000 to 150,000sq ft. Just two or three of these will come to2ha. The private Beacon Hospital is also located in this area.

Worst-case scenario, there are other green areas in Puchong and Petaling Jaya for a hospital – for example, the huge Padang Astaka, behind the Tun Hussein Onn National Eye Hospital.

It’s a shame to lose a green area, but arguably, a hospital is more important. In any case, there is another field called Padang Timur nearby.

So there are many alternatives – unless the politicians want to sell these lands cheaply to developers, as happened with the Ayer Hitam forested areas in Puchong.

If such shady deals take priority over public wellbeing, then Putrajaya should at least step in to reduce steep charges at the Universiti Malaya Medical Centre, where one night in a four-bedded ward costs a whopping RM300, much more than private hospitals.

UMMC is under the Higher Education Ministry, and it’s galling to think that patients are being squeezed to pay the salaries of “kangkung professors”, such as those who claim that the Romans learned shipbuilding from the Malays.

Ayer Hitam forest fiasco

And now we come to the third own goal. Subang MP Wong Chen has urged the Selangor government to explain why 68ha of land in or adjacent to the Ayer Hitam Forest Reserve had been sold to Jakel Group at a low price of only RM13.80psf.

Amirudin replied that a “property consultant” had assessed the land value at RM13psf. But hello, that was way back in 2012 lah. Obviously, prices have risen since then.

Wong has been asking when the land was sold to Jakel, but there has been no answer.

What are prices now? A simple Google search reveals the answers quickly.

For example, the nearby Aseana Puteri condo sells units at a median price of RM420psf according to the Property Guru website. Multiply that by 20 floors of the condo.

Or take the nearby terrace houses of Puteri 8 in Puchong, which sell for between RM600 and RM700psf, according to Iproperty.

Obviously, that is way above the measly RM13.80psf Jakel paid. The ever honest menteri besar said that 75 percent of the land is “unsuitable for development” as there are Class 3 and 4 steep slopes. If so, why was the land sold?

Is Jakel building an “eco education centre” to augment the very popular Bukit Wawasan hiking trails there? Or will they build lucrative condos, even though this will destroy the existing forests and cause soil erosion?

Compromise with greed

But I grudgingly accept that politicians and developers have a sweet tooth, or lips, for each other. I was involved in trying to save the Shah Alam Community Forest and saw various smokescreens and obstacles thrown up by the Selangor Harapan government.

Even a faulty forest degazettement was fixed – by backdating it 22 years to the glorious era when Umno ruled Selangor. That’s when I had to admit that Harapan in Selangor was turning into BN 2.0.

Wong and Lee, who are both in Rafizi’s reformist group, propose that the state government buy back the land. Sadly, this probably won’t happen as Jakel will demand its pound of flesh.

Perhaps a more realistic option is for the state to impose tight conditions for development. A compromise solution is to preserve 80 percent of the forest while allowing condos around its fringe.

The condos will carry a premium price as residents have serene forest views and fresh air, plus a nature getaway in their backyard. They will have the same pristine setting as condos next to Bukit Gasing and the Kota Damansara Community Forest.

It’s a win-win-win solution that caters to developers’ and politicians’ vested interests while saving most of the forest. Will the Selangor government do it to avoid further damage to its reputation?

Its three own goals only add to voters' anger about other broken reformasi promises – be it curbing corruption or racial hate speech.

I was a supporter of Anwar before and even attended Harapan rallies in the rain. But I am now very disappointed, especially with PKR or Parti Kelentong Rakyat (Bluffing People’s Party).

The final whistle for elections is coming. Can the PKR-led Selangor government recover after repeatedly shooting itself in the foot?

Malaysiakini : It’s a given that it will contest all Federal Territory seats in the peninsula (11 in Kuala Lumpur and one in Putrajaya), adding a further 12, to make 34 already.

That has major implications for the rest of Peninsular Malaysia, assuming that’s where Bersama’s focus is. If the revitalised party can contest all seats in Selangor, what’s to stop it from contesting all seats in mixed-race states?

That means you can include all seats in Penang (13 parliamentary, 40 state), Perak (24, 59), Negeri Sembilan (eight, 36), Malacca (six, 28) and Johor (26, 56). That makes a grand total of 111 parliamentary seats alone. If they win even a fifth, they are a force to reckon with.

Demand for alternative party

Is this all up in the air, or is there supporting evidence for probable support for Bersama? Rafizi said in the interview that there is.

“Bersama is a political start-up. We need time to validate our hypothesis. This month, we will examine acceptance. By June, we will be able to measure acceptance. By the end of June, we can profile the seats we can contest. We need money - we have to cut our coat according to our cloth,” he said.

“In Selangor, we can contest all seats. Demographics show that we have the highest support here, with seats held by PKR, DAP, Bersatu, PAS, and Amanah. Profiles show we have potential in all seats.

“We don’t care if it is (Prime Minister) Anwar (Ibrahim), or PKR or DAP, where we feel there is demand and adoption of us, we will contest.”

Data until April, he said, shows the emergence and growth of disenfranchised voters (those who don’t know who to vote for). The percentage support for Pakatan Harapan, Perikatan Nasional, BN - all came down for all races.

“We run a statistically competent national and local poll every month. We track a question on which parties are supported. Harapan, BN, and PN have about equal support, plus or minus two percentage points.

“’Not sure’ (answer) is the most ticked and has been growing since October, accounting for 32 percent. The remaining 68 percent is divided amongst the three.

“We wanted to know there was empirical evidence for our hypothesis (that a new party was needed). By February, we knew there was a market for a new party.”

He said political analysis is simplistic - historical.

“We have validated demand and interest in a new segment - it is there. We will cross 20,000 members in a week - that’s not bad. In PKR, if we got 5,000 members in a week, that would be fantastic.”

The membership rose to 16,000 over four days. It includes PAS sympathisers, former Harapan supporters, and some Umno supporters as well.

“We are getting interest from a wide section. We ask for a declaration of age, race, previous parties, etc. The majority are those who have not belonged to a party. We will get a breakdown in a week.

“Many were unexpected - ex-colleagues from Petronas, one of them a CEO (in one of the companies), who retired 10 years ago. We can’t use previous figures to assess our chances. We are sure we won’t lose our deposits,” he quipped.

The immediate question is how much progress the party will make in the coming election. That will decide much of its future. But first, Rafizi has to secure his former constituency, Pandan, where an interesting development is unfolding.

Initial panic

The initial panic among PKR and Anwar is already reflected in the party president focusing attention on Pandan, Rafizi’s constituency before he resigned recently as MP. If you get Rafizi down, then the movement is nipped in the bud.

Anwar has brought former Umno member and investment, trade and industry minister, Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, to Pandan. Most likely, it will be Zafrul who will contest against Rafizi, but it does not seem likely that the former has a good chance of winning.

Harapan's Dzulkefly Ahmad retained his Kuala Selangor seat in November 2022 after a tough challenge from Zafrul. The former health minister polled 31,033 votes to Zafrul's 30,031 for a majority of 1,002.

Remember, Zafrul was in Umno at that time. But Anwar let him continue as a minister through an appointment to the Senate. He was forced to step down when his six-year term with the Senate expired in December 2025.

Despite that, Zafrul was appointed senior political adviser to the prime minister for a two-year term starting in March and Malaysian Investment Development Authority chairperson, serving a two-year term that began in December last year.

Zafrul’s rapid rise

Zafrul became a PKR member in July 2025 following his resignation from Umno shortly before, in a move, together with a rapid rise in party ranks, that attracted animosity and criticism from long-time PKR members.

Zafrul has been cultivating Pandan already, now with Anwar’s direct help, with the clear intention to topple Rafizi in the next election and get himself a parliamentary seat.

But that’s not going to be easy with Rafizi’s popularity increasing and many seeing him as the last hope for an equitable Malaysia.

A lot will depend on election timing. If it is at full term, that will give Bersama time to organise, get members and raise money, which will mean it can gain considerable strength and contest many seats.

For that reason alone, an election is likely to be early despite public pronouncements that component parties have committed to supporting the Madani government to the end of the full term.

Bersama has the potential to take things far. It is extremely unlikely to win this round of elections, but it is likely to build a base, perhaps up to 30 seats. Anything much above that seems unlikely, although not impossible.

Cultivate Pandan

Rafizi and Nik Nazmi have captured the imagination of many Malaysians with their grand, some will say grandiose, visions. But one piece of advice, Rafizi should make sure he cultivates Pandan to ensure he is there to fight the battle.

Remember Nurul Izzah Anwar, against all expectations, lost in Permatang Pauh, thought to be a PKR and Anwar stronghold, to PAS’ Fawwaz Jan at GE15, defeated by a majority of 5,272 votes, securing 32,366 votes against Fawwaz's 37,638.

Rafizi needs to be there to fight the good fight, but he has to win at Pandan, where PKR will put all its resources into defeating him. At the same time, he needs to work to put in a significant number of MPs to be, hopefully, kingmakers at least.

He is saying all the right things: “We can’t continue as before, there has to be change - in the economy, education, wages and others. Anwar has not succeeded in handling racial issues because he is tiptoeing around Umno.

“We need a unity dept to handle this, the PM must chair this and do things. We have it for the economy, why not here? Bring everyone down to common ground.”

Rafizi said that there are 10 MPs with “our own views, we hold the 10 MPs card”, referring to how the bloc can be used to stop legislation and gain concessions.

“We know the leverage of a small party. You have to know your strength and leverage it to pressure the government. Pushing our agenda is more important than going for seats. We intend to disrupt, not to take control,” he added.

If anybody can disrupt, Rafizi can. But in the long run, we hope that he can do more than that. Let’s have some patience. Malaysia won’t be rebuilt in a day.

Malaysiakini : Things have been simmering since then within the Indian-Tamil community, with murmurs of unhappiness with the Pakatan Harapan government and Anwar himself.

There were even suggestions that the community vote for the opposition in the future.

But Anwar, apparently, was not aware of or ignored such sentiments from the ground. As if in defiance and ignorance of this sector of the electorate, Anwar was at it again.

Escalation

In February, in a speech that was construed as “smacking of arrogance”, he announced that the government had barred the construction and operation of all houses of worship built without official approval.

He declared that local councils have the prerogative to remove any illegal houses of worship.

In an immediate response, the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Taoism warned that the prime minister’s statement was too general and could be interpreted as applying to all places of worship indiscriminately.

The group urged the prime minister to clarify whether the directive applies to places of worship that existed before Merdeka, arguing that categorising decades-old places of worship as “illegal” under the law is arbitrary and unfair.

Lawyers Ambiga Sreenevasan and N Surendran demanded that Anwar withdraw his remarks as the directive was unprecedented and had serious consequences.

“For starters, only a court can declare with finality that a temple is occupying land illegally, and a court order is required before it can be demolished. In no circumstances can temple management be labelled trespassers, and police action taken against them,” they said.

But vigilante groups were already on the prowl. A temple in Rawang was demolished, a rally was organised, and other minor incidents were reported.

‘Misconstrued’

On May 10, Anwar appeared to acknowledge that some of his remarks about Hindu temples had been perceived as tacit support for hostility directed at the Indian community.

Speaking to Indian students at Universiti Malaya, Anwar suggested that his call for stern enforcement against houses of worship built without permits may have been “misconstrued”, describing such interpretations as attempts to sow division.

Anwar had faced criticism from leaders within the Indian Malaysian community, who argued that his use of the term “kuil haram” (illegal temples) could be seen as endorsing unilateral action.

At the same event, he announced that the allocation for the Malaysian Indian Transformation Unit (Mitra) had been increased from RM100 million to RM150 million.

He was in an apologetic mood, acknowledging his imperfections while reaffirming his commitment to carrying the responsibility entrusted to him.

“I realise that no human being is perfect, and there are still shortcomings within myself that I constantly reflect upon.

“However, I continue to shoulder this responsibility with all my heart and soul, because every step taken is to ensure that the future of the nation and homeland will always be protected,” he said.

Then, on Saturday, speaking at the Madani Harmony Discourse, he called on the peace-loving majority to speak up against narratives of hatred and slander being propagated by a minority group against society in the country.

He said the situation appeared to reflect a “tyranny of the minority”, where a small group of loud, angry individuals who spread slander were attempting to impose their will on the majority of the people.

“Now, it is the noisy minority - angry, cruel, and stirring up emotions. They gather, sow hatred, spread slander, and instil fear in others. This seems like a tyranny of the minority. The oppression and cruelty of a small group forcing the larger group (majority).”

What more can people do?

But on how many occasions has he sung the same song? Countless times, he made the same threat - don’t touch on race, religion, and royalty but it has not abated.

On the contrary, the tempo has increased, especially on social media, which has become a snake pit of sorts for racist remarks.

Many, including this writer, have repeatedly spoken up against the escalation of racist remarks, and many have made police reports. What more can be done if action is not taken?

Lack of enforcement and, in some cases, selective prosecution have caused religious extremists and racists to accelerate their display of hatred.

Anwar’s shifting tone - from arrogance to apology, from “victory” to victimhood - only underscores the government’s failure to enforce some laws fairly and consistently.

When temples are singled out while other illegal structures remain untouched, when threats against minorities are tolerated, but criticism of leaders is swiftly acted upon, the message is unmistakable - selective prosecution is not a peculiarity; it is the operating principle.

Until enforcement is blind to race, religion, and political convenience, we will remain trapped in a cycle where extremists thrive, minorities feel besieged, and the prime minister will go unheard against the din of unchecked hatred.

Blinkered justice

Anwar’s rhetoric, from declaring “victory” over a century-old temple to pleading that his words were “misconstrued”, is more than a matter of tone.

It exposes a deeper malaise: a government that speaks of unity while practising division, that warns against racial and religious provocation while leaving enforcement conveniently selective.

By branding temples “illegal” while thousands of unlicensed eateries and workshops escape scrutiny, the administration signals that the law is not blind but blinkered.

Each apology, each new allocation, each call for harmony rings hollow when there is unequal treatment and unchecked hostility.

The prime minister’s refrain about the “tyranny of the minority” is itself a paradox. If extremists are truly a minority, why does their venom dominate the discourse?

Because selective prosecution has emboldened them, and silence from institutions has given them space to thrive. Social media, left unpoliced, has become the echo chamber of hate, while temples become the scapegoats of enforcement.

What the nation needs is consistency: a rule of law applied without fear or favour, a government that protects all communities equally, and a prime minister whose words do not inflame divisions but extinguish them.

Every politician is doing the latter because mainstream politicians love telling us how it could be instead of how it is. The first step is recognising the problem.

Will people buy it?

The former Pandan MP was reported as saying that “Pakatan Harapan could still win 80 to 90 parliamentary seats even in its weakest state, thanks to the support of progressive-minded voters”, whom he estimated at 35 percent to 40 percent of the electorate.

“Bersama was to give this segment of the electorate, as well as young voters, a new option at the ballot box,” he said.

I get that Rafizi is beloved by progressive Malays and non-Malays, but the question remains.

Will his kamikaze mission resonate with the very people who say they want change but have never demonstrated that they are willing to give their votes to anyone except DAP, which is supposed to be the progressive red line of this country?

Furthermore, how is Rafizi, especially in a position of influence, going to counter the religiosity and racism of the Malay establishment under the guise of Malay rights?

How would he balance needed reform and the corruption of entitlement programmes while adhering to an egalitarian framework?

See, people on a kamikaze mission would have no problem pointing out that someone like former Damansara MP Tony Pua is standing up for the Constitution, while his critics have not only no respect for the Constitution but have also gone against the royal institution diktats.

Furthermore, it was Umno which curtailed the powers of the royalty under former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad. It was probably the one utilitarian thing the party did, no doubt for self-serving reasons.

Where does Bersama stand?

I do not care which DAP faction Pua belongs to because I believe that the party has become part of the problem.

What I want to know is where Bersama stands on issues that affect the country, like fidelity to the Constitution.

Rafizi said, “We don’t care if the seats are held by PKR, DAP, Amanah, Bersatu, or Umno - if there is a need for us to fight, we will do so.” What does this mean?

Honestly, nearly every seat has been infected by Madani’s neo-BN-ism. How would this translate when it comes to his belief in multiethnic middle-ground politics?

To this, we should add that when Rafizi criticises PKR, it is welcomed with open arms, but supposing he is critical of the DAP, then what happens?

Data determining where candidates are fielded sounds suspect.

The urban areas, for instance, are rife with political and corporate corruption, which determines a kind of bureaucratic mafia controlled by ruling regimes, which is ultimately destroying this country.

And yet, urban voters, especially non-Malays, are willing to throw in their lot with legacy parties for various reasons.

Do not get me wrong. I will be more than happy if Bersama breaks up the monopoly in urban and semi-urban areas because power and policies flow down from these areas.

If Bersama even becomes a fly in the ointment that powers the gravy train, which is what is destroying the majority community, this would be a welcome change from what we have now.

Indeed, what we are witnessing is that our urban and semi-urban areas, which used to be somewhat progressive enclaves, are slowly succumbing to the religiosity of Madani.

Take the recent alarm raised by Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung about the guidelines regarding non-Malay houses of worship.

As usual, we are told these guidelines are suspended pending review, but it is the old game being played over and over again.

It might just work

If Bersama walks the progressive talk and the majority community sees leaders who are willing to slay sacred cows for the betterment of all Malaysians, who knows, this may affect the local politics of rural areas.

The majority have never really had an alternative when it comes to mainstream politics. While the non-Malays had to choose the lesser of two evils, the majority, for whatever reasons, were content with the status quo.

Except now, geopolitics is changing everything so fast, and the economic competition brought upon by migrant workers and encroachment into traditional Malay domains is fueling resentment.

Let us not forget that Nik Nazmi understands that appealing to the Malay far-right is not a viable strategy, especially since Perikatan Nasional does that so well.

“At the end of the day, we can’t outflank PN in terms of playing the Malay or Islam card, because we know that that is their comparative advantage in a way.”

Nik Nazmi’s words were prophetic when he said this about PKR: “It’s always a challenging balancing act, and I think PKR feels it the most. We get squeezed out in the middle because our constituencies are multiracial.

“For many political parties, they have easy template answers or solutions. But for PKR, we can’t, because, you know, we have people who are very, very liberal on one end and you have people who are quite conservative on the other in our constituency.”

Now we have Bersama, which is supposed to be unabashedly progressive, which means there should be no balancing act.

Same old, same old doesn’t cut it

This is an important point because the mainstream political establishment is going to attack Bersama by trolling them on race and religion issues.

Blaming Umno or even the prime minister just doesn’t cut it. We do not need a collection of political types coming out and spewing bromides.

What is needed are leaders who are unafraid to speak out against those seeking to inflame communal tensions.

We need leaders who would understand that these so-called fringe voices are merely parroting mainstream policies of racial and religious superiority.

Keep in mind that policy decisions and implementation are based on race and religion, and it remains to be seen if Bersama will face these issues head-on or will quibble, which means it is not really on a kamikaze mission.

Rafizi seems to understand this. In 2017, he said that in order to save Malaysia, the Malays must be won over.

“We are partly responsible for the predicament we are in because we have taken the approach that they don’t understand. The more we talk down to them, the more they don’t trust us.

“We just have to convince the people enough that we can do a better job. We must honestly accept failings and offer solutions that may be controversial.”

If Bersama is really on a kamikaze mission, it would offer controversial solutions, which may even be controversial to the non-Malays.

Rational Malaysians have heard feel-good rhetoric, but action is what saves a country.

Malaysiakini : Abang Johari Openg became Sarawak’s sixth chief minister on Jan 13, 2017, following the death of the widely respected Adenan Satem.

In 2022, following amendments to the Sarawak Constitution, he assumed the title of premier, symbolising Sarawak’s growing assertion of its constitutional position under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).

A veteran leader from Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), Abang Johari had served in several important ministerial positions before ascending to Sarawak’s highest office. Upon assuming leadership, he moved beyond mere continuity.

While preserving Adenan’s moderate and Sarawak-centric approach, Abang Johari has introduced a more ambitious and forward-looking development agenda.

Under his stewardship, Sarawak has embraced a clear and compelling vision: to become a developed, high-income, inclusive, digitally driven, and environmentally sustainable state by 2030.

This vision places strong emphasis on economic prosperity, social inclusivity, renewable energy, digital innovation, and sustainable development for the benefit of all Sarawakians.

What makes Abang Johari’s leadership especially significant is that it extends far beyond economic development or political longevity. His greatest contribution may well lie in his conscious effort to nurture a political culture that rises above narrow communalism and promotes a shared sense of belonging among diverse communities.

Sarawak for all Sarawakians

Unlike many politicians in Peninsular Malaysia who continue to rely heavily on ethnic insecurities and religious posturing to sustain political relevance, Abang Johari has consistently projected a broader and more inclusive vision.

He has repeatedly emphasised that Sarawak belongs to all Sarawakians regardless of ethnicity or religion.

In September 2025, he declared: “We must firmly reject any form of extremism or fanaticism that could jeopardise our unity. Inclusivity in Sarawak is not merely a slogan; it’s a way of life.”

He further stressed that the government under his leadership remains deeply committed to honouring and celebrating Sarawak’s rich religious and cultural diversity (Borneo Post Online, Sept 15, 2025).

These are not empty slogans. They are reflected in governance practices, institutional arrangements, and public policy.

Perhaps the clearest example is the establishment of the Unit for Other Religions (Unifor), which provides direct state assistance to non-Islamic religious bodies for the construction, repair, and maintenance of churches, temples, and other places of worship.

For 2026, the Sarawak government allocated RM120 million under Unifor to support non-Islamic religious communities, reaffirming its commitment to religious harmony and inclusivity (Dayak Daily, May 20, 2026).

This initiative is profoundly significant within the Malaysian context. While religious issues in parts of Peninsular Malaysia are often politicised and exploited to generate division and suspicion, Sarawak has institutionalised interfaith respect through state policy itself.

Abang Johari has also openly reaffirmed Sarawak’s multicultural and multi-religious character. He affirmed that non-Muslims in Sarawak were free to use the word “Allah” in their religious practices and publications, wisely reiterating that politicians should focus on major public issues instead of quarrelling over the usage of the word “Allah”(MalaysiaNow, April 6, 2021).

He has likewise maintained Sarawak’s opposition to the implementation of the hudud law, recognising the state’s unique social fabric and constitutional realities.

Emergence of Bangsa Sarawak

Under Abang Johari’s leadership, Sarawak has increasingly strengthened a shared sense of Bangsa Sarawak - a common Sarawakian identity that transcends ethnic and religious boundaries.

In Sarawak, Muslims routinely attend Christmas celebrations, Christians participate in Hari Raya gatherings, and people of different ethnic and religious backgrounds generally interact with a degree of ease and mutual respect that has sadly become less common in parts of Peninsular Malaysia.

Abang Johari himself highlighted this social reality when he remarked that “only in Sarawak do we find Christian and Muslim families living under one roof” (Dayak Daily, Dec 24, 2022).

More recently, he described Sarawak as a “convergence point” capable of helping move Malaysia forward through religious harmony and inclusivity (Borneo Post Online, April 26, 2026).

Sarawak is certainly not free from challenges. Rural development gaps, indigenous land issues, and socioeconomic inequalities still require continued attention.

Nevertheless, and most importantly, the state has largely avoided the severe racial and religious bickering that periodically destabilises Peninsular Malaysia and holds us back from advancing into a mature society.

The Sarawak governance model did not happen accidentally. It required political leadership that consciously refused to inflame communal sentiments for political advantage.

Economic transformation, shared prosperity

Abang Johari’s leadership also demonstrates that social harmony and economic development are not mutually exclusive. On the contrary, they reinforce one another.

Under his administration, Sarawak has embarked on one of the most ambitious socio-economic transformation programmes in Malaysia. His government has aggressively pursued digitalisation, renewable energy, hydrogen technology, infrastructure development, food security, and high-value industrial investment.

Sarawak is increasingly positioning itself as a regional leader in green energy and the digital economy.

The results have been impressive. Sarawak first achieved high-income status in 2022, with gross national income (GNI) per capita reaching RM56,213. The figure rose to RM70,536 in 2023 and further to RM73,100 in 2024, enabling Sarawak to maintain a high-income status for three consecutive years.

State revenue also increased dramatically. In 2024, Sarawak recorded a historic revenue of RM14.2 billion - approximately double the figure before Abang Johari became chief minister in 2017.

Infrastructure development has accelerated significantly, particularly in rural areas long neglected in the past. Major investments in roads, bridges, water supply, electricity, telecommunications, and digital connectivity have strengthened economic opportunities and improved living standards across the state.

Sarawak has also invested heavily in education and human capital development. Among the most notable initiatives is the Free Tertiary Education Scheme beginning in 2026, with an initial allocation of RM250 million.

The scheme will cover approved programmes at state-owned higher education institutions and seeks to expand access to quality education for Sarawakians.

These initiatives reflect a broader philosophy of developmental inclusivity - namely, that progress must benefit ordinary people across communities rather than merely enrich political or economic elites.

Peninsula’s entrenched communal politics

The contrast between Sarawak’s relatively inclusive and moderate political culture and developments in parts of Peninsular Malaysia is difficult to ignore.

For decades, communal politics have remained deeply entrenched in the peninsula. Political parties and pressure groups frequently mobilise support through ethnic insecurities, religious exclusivism, and fear-based narratives.

Issues involving ethnicity, religion, language, education, and even culture are routinely politicised. Public discourse has become increasingly polarised.

This has significantly hindered the emergence of a genuine Bangsa Malaysia consciousness rooted in shared citizenship, constitutionalism, justice, and common destiny.

Instead of nurturing a common Malaysian identity, divisive politics have often reinforced communal boundaries. Meritocracy is frequently viewed through ethnic lenses. Religious moderation is sometimes portrayed as weakness. Calls for inclusivity are occasionally attacked as threats to ethnic or religious supremacy.

Such politics may produce short-term electoral gains, but they carry enormous long-term national costs. They weaken social cohesion, undermine trust between communities, discourage national integration, and erode confidence among many Malaysians - especially younger generations who increasingly aspire towards a more inclusive and progressive national identity.

Lessons for national leaders

Sarawak under Abang Johari offers important lessons for the rest of Malaysia.

First, nation-building must transcend communal politics. Leaders must stop treating ethnicity and religion primarily as instruments of political mobilisation.

Second, inclusivity must extend beyond rhetoric into institutions, policies, and governance practices. Sarawak’s support for all religious communities through Unifor demonstrates how governments can actively institutionalise interfaith respect and equitable treatment.

Third, moderation is not weakness. Sarawak’s relative harmony and stability have strengthened social cohesion, investor confidence, and long-term development.

Fourth, leaders must articulate a clear and compelling shared vision. Abang Johari’s emphasis on shared Sarawakian identity demonstrates how leaders can inspire collective belonging without marginalising minorities.

Finally, Malaysia’s future depends upon whether it can evolve from communal nationhood towards civic nationhood - from narrow ethnic politics towards a truly inclusive Bangsa Malaysia consistent with the spirit of the Federal Constitution and the aspirations of the nation’s founders.

Paradigm shift urgently needed

Malaysia urgently needs a paradigm shift: from communal nationhood to civic nationhood; from religious extremism to religious harmony; from mediocrity to excellence; and from national drift to a clear, compelling, and unifying national vision.

Our nation is crying out for courageous, principled, visionary, and inclusive leadership - leadership prepared to rise above communal politics and genuinely promote justice, moderation, shared prosperity, and national cohesion.

At a time when parts of Peninsular Malaysia continue to grapple with growing ethnic and religious polarisation, Sarawak’s model of inclusive governance and shared nation-building offers more than a source of hope.

It provides a practical example of how moderation, mutual respect, equitable treatment, and a common civic identity can help build the Bangsa Malaysia we have long aspired to achieve.

Malaysiakini : COMMENT - More importantly, it was not an argument against the palace. Many Chinese Malaysians accept the monarchy as part of the country’s constitutional settlement, and many regard it with respect.

The deeper question was whether today’s politicians still know how to manage sensitive relationships between the palace, the state government, bureaucracy, Malay-Muslim sentiment and minority anxieties before they become public confrontations.

That is where the present political danger lies: the fading art of political statecraft.

Pig farm blow up

The Selangor controversy did not begin with Rukun Negara. It began with pigs, land, pollution, food supply and local sensitivities.

The issue surfaced when the Selangor government proposed relocating scattered pig farms around Tanjung Sepat into a centralised facility in Bukit Tagar.

It was framed as a modern and hygienic solution, but objections soon emerged because Bukit Tagar was also seen as a Malay-majority area.

The palace’s concern was not new. State ruler Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah had expressed reservations over large-scale pig farming plans, citing harmony, demographics, pollution, and environmental concerns.

The position later hardened, with the sultan reportedly objecting to pig farming anywhere in Selangor and suggesting pork imports as an alternative for non-Muslim communities.

This is where two political languages collided. To many Malays, the sultan was speaking as a guardian of harmony, environmental order, and Muslim sensitivity.

To some Chinese, the same episode sounded like a warning that the minority lifestyle and business space could be narrowed by institutional pressure before elected representatives had fully settled the policy question.

This is why the concern of the Chinese community matters.

It was not simply “we want pig farms”, but whether the current political leadership still knew how to manage the sensitive relationships, Islam, bureaucracy, and minority anxieties, without turning every sensitive issue into a public cultural confrontation.

Not wrong, but perhaps misjudged

DAP’s response was predictable. Seri Kembangan assemblyperson Wong Siew Ki argued that modern farming could address environmental concerns, while the party’s secretary-general, Anthony Loke, stressed that elected representatives had the right to raise policy matters.

Former DAP leader Ronnie Liu later suggested a judicial review, while former Damansara MP Tony Pua framed the issue around constitutional monarchy and constitutional supremacy.

Legally, those arguments were not baseless, but politics in Malaysia has rarely been governed by legal reasoning alone.

The Rukun Negara itself reflects this tension. It contains not only the principles of constitutional supremacy and the rule of law, but also loyalty to king and country, courtesy, and morality.

That is precisely why the sultan’s response resonated strongly among many Malays. The palace was speaking in the language of adab (manners), dignity, and cohesion. Pua was replying in the language of constitutional boundaries.

To DAP’s core supporters, that sounded principled. To more moderate Chinese, it risked turning their lifestyles and culture into political controversy. To many Malays, it sounded like publicly challenging the sultan.

That is the gap.

DAP’s recent posture in Negeri Sembilan sharpened the contrast. There, Loke defended the dignity of the monarchy during a royal dispute.

Legally, the positions were not necessarily inconsistent. But to the critics, DAP defended royal dignity only when it supported their agenda.

Keeping all sides mollified

This is where BN-era statecraft becomes relevant. Its strength was never merely that it was “pro-Raja”; many parties can shout “Daulat Tuanku”.

Its real advantage, developed over decades of governance, was that it understood the informal machinery of Malaysia: palace protocol, Malay sentiment, minority reassurance, bureaucratic compromise and private negotiation.

The old BN model was imperfect, often opaque, and criticised for patronage, but it was built around multi-ethnic power-sharing under Umno dominance.

University of Melbourne political scientist Sebastian Dettman has noted that BN projected a multiracial governing structure while accommodating minority interests through MCA and MIC.

Sunway University political scientist Wong Chin Huat similarly links Malaysia’s political stability to coalition management and negotiated coexistence.

The practical effect was this: sensitive matters were often settled before they exploded.

An Umno menteri besar could speak to the palace quietly. MCA leaders could raise Chinese concerns without making the monarchy lose face. Civil servants could search for compromises. Public statements could be kept respectful. Minority anxieties were handled without inviting a Malay backlash.

Nobody had to win loudly because nobody was forced to lose publicly. That is what my Chinese friend was really saying.

He was not asking political leaders to fight for the existence of pig farms or to secure pork supplies.

He was asking whether the current political class still knows how to negotiate sensitive matters without making minorities feel culturally cornered or Malays feel that their institutions are being publicly challenged.

What Harapan is missing

This concern should not be dismissed as a narrow debate over pig farms or pork supply. It is about cultural autonomy, business predictability, and confidence that non-Muslim life will not suddenly be reclassified as a political problem.

BN-era statecraft understood how to protect Islam, the monarchy, and Malay institutions while also keeping Malaysia liveable, predictable, and fair for non-Muslim communities.

For Pakatan Harapan and DAP, the public constitutional argument may satisfy a core support base, but if every sensitive dispute becomes a public duel with royal institutions and Malay-Muslim sentiment, then minority concerns may become more exposed to backlash.

You may win the applause of hardcore loyal supporters, but risk weakening national harmony and peace.

For Umno, the lesson is not to weaponise the issue racially. The opportunity is to remind Malaysians of another political competence: managing contradictions with tact, restraint, and institutional finesse - what the Malays describe as “menarik rambut dalam tepung; rambut tidak putus, tepung tidak berselerak” (to handle a delicate situation with fairness and tact).

Malaysia is a country of symbols and stomachs, of Rukun Negara and dinner tables, of constitutional doctrine and lived sensitivities.

It does not survive because every side wins its argument in public. It survives because enough leaders know when to speak, when to negotiate, when to reassure, and when to leave dignity intact.

You may not always like BN, but at its best, it understood something Harapan/DAP is still learning: in Malaysia, the balance is not only upheld by the law.

It is upheld by relationships, timing, language, and the ability to prevent private anxiety from becoming public rupture.

For six decades, BN’s greatest political product was not merely development or stability. It was managed tolerance.

Malaysiakini : Many Pakatan Harapan core supporters, especially the non-Malays, are angry that the prime minister has largely allowed racial hate speech to run free, instead of enforcing existing laws against such provocations.

We feel taken for granted, as the cynical calculation has been that we have nobody else to vote for, since PAS is worse. Meanwhile, DAP is a Dilemma Action Party caught between reform demands and Malay racial politics.

But now, Rafizi has launched Bersama, which offers a real alternative for all races. To use the lingo of cowboy movies, there’s a “new sheriff” in town.

Sky-high medical insurance

Hot racial issues have grabbed attention, but I am more worried about the creep and creepiness of big money on government policy. For example, why is medical insurance skyrocketing under the Madani government?

An overview in The Edge summed up the sad situation: government officials, private hospitals and insurance companies all blame each other. Hospitals point to insurers’ higher profits. Insurers accuse hospitals of jacking up bills. Both blame “global medical cost inflation”.

Doctors have told me that even if some of their colleagues want to be honest, private hospitals pressure them to “boost revenue” with KPI’s on ordering MRIs, CT scans etc.

Given such profiteering, we expect Putrajaya to step in as a guardian of public interest. But what if health industry towkays have made “political donations” to influence policy?

This is notorious in the United States, where big health corporations have given huge legal bribes called “campaign contributions” to ensure that medical bills stay sky high.

But surely, such a disease has not affected our “highly moral” Madani government?

Well, let’s see. A law was proposed to stop the sale of cigarettes and vapes to youths born after Jan 1, 2007. Yet, the deputy health minister admitted that lobbying by the tobacco industry killed this proposal.

Money politics

Umno is infamous for money politics, but it may have infected PKR too. Rafizi revealed there is a culture of “kepit beg duit bawah ketiak” (clutching a money bag under the armpit) when going round to buy support.

To combat this disease, he explained that Bersama will be the first party with a constitution where leadership must be based on merit and hard work, not goodies given out.

But there is a “deep state” in Malaysia of powerful vested interests which is resistant to change. Can that be overcome?

Perhaps that’s why Bersama has announced a rather modest 12-point agenda that includes free preschools for children, more government doctors to reduce waiting times and improvements in education.

These are technocratic issues and won’t really dethrone the deep state, but the 12 points will really help people. So, it's doable.

I believe Bersama has competent and committed leaders to achieve this – unlike our education minister, who rushed to start “Pendidikan Karakter” after cases of school rapes and bullying.

But can Bersama even win? Rafizi has said they are on a “kamikaze mission”, and it doesn’t matter if they all lose.

For me, what’s crucial is that we finally have a party to pressure Harapan to do more progressive reforms, rather than bending over backwards to please Umno, which has betrayed Madani in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.

Kingmakers in hung Parliament?

Rafizi, Nik Nazmi and eight other PKR MPs in his camp already have 10 seats. This number could swell because the huge group called Pamu (Parti Aku Malas Undi ie non-voters) was 24 percent of the electorate in 2022.

They could be energised to go to the polls and drive Bersama to victory in 15 to 25 mixed seats.

This will put the party in a “kingmaker’s position” because the next elections are not expected to have a clear winner, given the multi-cornered fights involving Umno/BN, Harapan, PAS and Bersatu, which have “berpecah” (broken up) with Hamzah Zainudin’s faction.

In that scenario, Bersama can insist that any coalition they join must do certain reforms, just as small groups like the Green Party of Germany have done. The party would live up to its kancil or mousedeer logo of outwitting bigger opponents.

If DAP decides to walk out of the Madani government at their upcoming July congress, they may want to ask: do they want to sink with a tainted Anwar? Or find alternatives?

Some people say Rafizi is clever but arrogant. But I prefer “sincere sombong” to “charming cunning”. Former Singapore prime minister Lee Kuan Yew was also arrogant, but he got the job done.

Half of Malaysians are under 31. But the leaders of PAS, PKR and Bersatu are all around 79 years old. Will they take short-term moves to stay in power, without bothering about future problems after they have passed on?

The ultimate dream is of a new wave to sweep away our worn-out politics. The launch of Bersama focused on Gen Z, Gen Alpha and new solutions.

Rafizi himself has cited how voters who wanted true change have propelled various reformists to surprising victories over the status quo. These include Zohran Mamdani in New York, Move Forward in Thailand and recently, Joseph Vijay’s TVK party in Tamil Nadu.

Do we dare to dream of something bigger than voting for the “least bad” option?

Finance Twitter : Even PKR supremo – Anwar Ibrahim – would most likely lose his current seat of Tambun in Perak, which has been classified as a marginal safe. In the 15th General Election, Anwar, contesting in Tambun for the first time after running away from Port Dickson, won the four-way race with a majority of only 3,736 votes. Therefore, the Prime Minister is expected to run away again, abandoning Tambun.

He chose Tambun in the November 2022 election instead of Gombak, the constituency of his former deputy who had betrayed him – Azmin Ali – for a reason. Tambun has twice the number of Chinese voters in terms of electorate percentage. But Amirudin Shari, PKR candidate fielded as sacrificial lamb to challenge Azmin, had instead secured higher majority (12,729 votes) than Anwar in Tambun.

Angry voters scammed by forked-tongue Anwar are now sharpening their knives to vote out the serial liar, who had promised the sky and moon to Tambun farmers, but never delivered. For example, farmers in Kanthan, Tambun, have faced “forced evictions” by state authorities to reclaim land for development, destroying the livelihoods of farmers who have worked the land for over 60 years.

On October 24, 2023, the Perak Land and Mines Office, accompanied by police, enforced the eviction, leading to the arrest of four individuals, including PSM chairman Dr. Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj. The Perak government, of which Anwar-led Pakatan Harapan is a governing partner, wanted to reclaim over 1,000 acres of land, arguing the eviction is legal and that alternative land was offered in Changkat Kinding.

However, farmers and PSM activists argued that not only have they operated on the land for decades, claiming they have “implied consent”, but also they are legitimate producers and that the state failed to provide promised 30-year lease agreements for replacement land. Crucially, they also argued that the eviction is unjust and undermines local food supply.

The inhuman “land grab” incidents have resulted in physical confrontations, with reports of protesters being injured and agricultural machinery clearing farmland. While the Perak state government conveniently denied and lied about the forced eviction, the federal government saw PM Anwar – along with toothless tiger Democratic Action Party (DAP) – kept quiet as farmers were bullied and oppressed.

Despite Anwar’s election promise to defend over 130 small-scale farmers in Kanthan, which is part of the Tambun parliamentary constituency, the Madani government brutally deployed heavy machinery to uproot farmers from their lands. Some families have been farming for about 80 years. Sure, the farmers were not legal owners of the land, but they can certainly vote out PKR and Anwar Ibrahim legally.

Worse, when these desperate farmers tried to meet their own MP at Parliament – the Prime Minister, who is also the Finance Minister – they were turned away unceremoniously, rudely and arrogantly by security because Mr Anwar has no more use of the same Tambun farmers whom the PKR president had once “terhegeh-hegeh” begging votes from.

Some constituents are so frustrated and upset they have expressed that they “will not miss” Anwar even if he chooses not to defend his seat in the next general election. Tambun gets nothing while Gaza gets RM200 million and billions poured into opposition states. Even Permatang Pauh, a stronghold of Anwar family before losing to an unknown opposition in 2022, received 14,000 chicken.

As all hell broke loose after the PKR’s analysis report was leaked, there is speculation that Anwar may shamelessly steal Batu – one of seven “Tier 1” safe seats – from party member P. Prabakaran, who won the seat with a 22,241 majority. Speculation is also swirling that Anwar’s daughter – Nurul Izzah – may contest mommy’s seat of the Bandar Tun Razak in the next general election.

The father and daughter may get safe seats by cannibalizing their own comrades. Others are not so lucky though. PKR’s newly crowned vice-presidents Ramanan (Sungai Buloh) and Amirudin Shari (Gombak) fared even worse given they fall under “Tier 3: Difficult Seats”. With limited safe seats available, dozens of PKR warlords would lose their shirts as they scramble to lobby for seats.

From 47 won in the 14^th General Election in 2018, PKR only won 31 out of the 81 parliamentary seats contested in the November 2022 national polls. Now, the once mighty People’s Justice Party may end up winning only around 10 parliamentary seats in the next election – if it’s lucky not to be wiped out. That would reduce PKR to a mosquito party, eliminating Anwar’s wet dream for a second term.

Anwar has no one to blame but himself. The report, most likely incorporated with military intelligence input, shows how PKR under the fake reformist has screwed up the past three years. The narcissist single-handedly destroys his own party with internal power struggles – eliminating Rafizi seen as a threat to his Iron Throne whilst promoting dynastic politics, cronyism and nepotism.

Surrounded by apple polishers and bootlickers, the Premier becomes incredibly arrogant and out of touch with the ground. Critical allies like DAP are doing more harm than good by keeping quiet as Pakatan Harapan behaves like the previous racist and corrupt Barisan Nasional government – protecting corrupt leaders of all sizes, defending corporate mafia, marginalizing minorities’ interests, promoting racism and extremism, and whatnot.

A known racist during his time as former UMNO deputy president before his sacking in 1998 due to sodomy and corruption, Anwar is committing political harakiri with unpopular new taxes, e-invoice system, delayed tax refunds, scrapping fuel subsidies, escalating cost of living, corporate mafia scandal, selective corruption, nepotism and cronyism.

Hilariously, after the leak of the document stating that the party of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is going to face an uphill battle with devastating consequences in the next 16^th General Election, PKR MPs who had been sleeping on the job have suddenly woken up. Lee Chean Chung, MP for Petaling Jaya – supposedly one of 7 safe seats – now says his seat is also at stake.

Lee said although his constituency – Petaling Jaya – is located in Selangor, very urban, and considered strong and safe, in reality, it can no longer be considered guaranteed. Having kept quiet for the last 3 years, he somehow found the balls to warn that Anwar’s party, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), could face a similar situation as in 2004 when it won only one seat in Penang.

If PKR could not even defend Petaling Jaya, chances are the party may win “less than 5” parliamentary seats – even fewer than Rafizi’s new political party which is yet to be set up. Anwar’s political revenge with fabricated corruption charges against former PKR Deputy President Rafizi Ramli and his aide James Chai could backfire and cause more damage to the party.

And based on how newly crowned PKR Deputy President Nurul Izzah led the party to an annihilation in the Sabah state election last year, clearly Anwar’s daughter isn’t the leadership material needed to drive the party. Nobody cares or believes what the former “Puteri Reformasi” screams, let alone his hypocrite and liar daddy – the only prime minister who is a seat-hopper.

Even if Anwar is lucky enough to win a seat, he may no longer be the prime minister. With limited time left and without strategist Rafizi to help PKR regain public support, especially from young voters and fence sitters, the moron prime minister is leading the party to self-destruction. The best part is bootlickers like Ramanan are still in denial over the severity of the party’s crisis.

Other Articles That May Interest You …

• UMNO’s Betrayal – PKR & DAP Have To Pretend Everything’s Fine
• Get Popcorn – UMNO Has Begun Seizing Power, Betraying PKR
• From Crony Capitalism To Corporate Mafia – NexG Saga (Part 2)
• From Crony Capitalism To Corporate Mafia – NexG Saga (Part 1)
• Azam’s RM14 Million Scandal – Damage Done, Too Little Too Late
• PKR & DAP In Trouble – Rafizi To Split Votes With Third Option
• Pig, Temple & Azam – Madani’s Dumb Recipe To Losing Selangor
• Bloomberg – How MACC Partners With Corporate Mafia To Seize Control Of Companies
• Tax Refund & E-invoice – Madani Should Stop Stealing Money
• Told You So – Congrats Anwar & Anthony For Leading PKR-DAP To Extinction
• UMNO Cannot Be Trusted – The Predictable Game Plan Of The Corrupt Party To Reassert Its Single-Party Dominance

Malaysiakini : “It is evidently clear that Umno Youth has no guts to debate in public; they only like closed-door debates. I wanted to show the public the kind of people you have in Umno. Everyone now knows what a coward Khairy is,” he had said.

But then again, these are politicians, and a couple of years later, Khairy was teaching Rafizi how to use Instagram filters.

This is not about “cowardice” but rather how the state wants citizens to practise self-censorship. Khairy knows this. Journalists know this, and you better believe that academics know this.

International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) academic Syaza Shukri said, “Even something minor, perhaps just an objective question that we genuinely want to understand, or maybe even a complaint from outside, can be turned into a 3R (race, religion, and royalty) issue.”

Actually, her statement echoes what PKR MP Hassan Abdul Karim had lamented, that the 3R ban is masking the systemic dysfunction when it comes to the kind of crony capitalists orbiting Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

“These people seem to enjoy immunity and cannot be touched due to the 3R ban,” Hassan reportedly said.

Every policy decision is based on the 3Rs; it is just that people who disagree with the 3Rs should not talk about it.

From Anwar to PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang, political operatives using the 3Rs for political purposes are not sanctioned by the state.

But if you are the unlucky dissenter who points out that the 3Rs are part of the problem, then the state comes down on you like a ton of bricks.

Impractical, difficult to monitor

Look, all governments want the rakyat to practise self-censorship. Two years ago, as reported in the press, Fahmi Fadzil “…told participants to behave themselves, warning that they were being ‘monitored by authorities’ and may be visited by the police”.

When Fahmi claimed that it was a miscommunication about watching your words and being monitored by the authorities, National Human Rights Society (Hakam) president M Ramachelvam said: “As the communications and digital minister, he should have used his position to answer the comments left by viewers rather than to say the authorities will come after them.

“Threats by government ministers against freedom of expression leave a negative perception of the government (which has a duty) to uphold this fundamental constitutional right guaranteed to citizens.”

And all this is not new. Fahmi is just echoing what then-communications and multimedia minister Salleh Said Keruak said nearly a decade ago.

“It is impractical and difficult to monitor or control a user’s access to the massive amount of content found online. So, it is left to us, the user, to exercise self-censorship and to verify all news shared over our social media feeds.”

At one time, legacy media practised self-censorship as some sort of misguided idea of nation-building - at least, that’s what they told us. Indeed, all instruments of colonial legislation were and are used to stifle every facet of Malaysian public life.

Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad once said, "When I was the prime minister, there was press freedom, but it is the media itself who did self-censorship, as if they didn't want to hurt leaders' feelings. This is the habit that we have in Malaysia.”

Which sounds civilised, as if the media were not operating under the possibility of the Internal Security Act or a history of state intervention into the so-called “Fourth Estate”.

Insidious kind of censorship

Self-censorship is the most insidious kind of censorship, because its coerciveness becomes voluntary - this is how we become complicit in our own subjugation.

Then again, self-censorship has a karma-like effect - especially here in Malaysia.

This is best illustrated when Mahathir bemoaned the fact that, “Soon after (Abdullah Ahmad Badawi took over as PM), I was cut off from the press... reporters were not allowed to interview me... and they were not allowed to print anything I said.”

Remember the so-called media blackout on the e-hailing driver episode? Deputy Communications Minister Teo Nie Ching played coy about self-censorship by some of the media, “It (ordering media to censor) never happens on my level. I never heard about the so-called government orders.”

Apparently, it was all “internal decisions”.

Gerakan Media Merdeka (Geramm) spokesperson Radzi Razak had the perfect response when asked by Malaysiakini about Teo’s comment.

“Let’s not pretend that there are no ‘friendly texts or calls’ to the editors from someone in the office of the powers that be. Let’s not pretend writers and publishers are not being ‘gently’ reminded of how a story or headline should be written by someone not in the industry.”

No sanctions

But here is the important part. Self-censorship only extends to speech and ideas that the state deems offensive. Ideas that seek to reinforce the narrative of racial and religious superiority are enabled by the state.

This means that politicians, preachers, and academics who conform to hegemonic ideas or religion and race are free to say what they want, and there are no sanctions by the state.

Take this PAS-led, Umno-endorsed Daulat Tuanku rally. Keep in mind that PAS has gone against the diktats of the Selangor sultan and Umno over the decades, and has curtailed the power of the royalty.

But of course, this kind of hypocrisy is par for the course for these types of religious people. The fact that the mainstream Malay establishment and the royal institution say nothing about this hypocrisy should tell rational people what this game is all about.

Meanwhile, progressive voices and those who seek to nurture democratic or secular values are punished by the state, and more often than not. resort to self-censorship for personal and economic safety.

It is easy to be brave when you have the protection of the state.