But this was not enough. The leaders who stood guard over me knew that we must diversify our economy. And so began the expansion into agriculture and industrial manufacturing.

All these developments were spread over the 1960s to 70s, and indeed the future looked promising.

Then came an historic event when I expanded my borders to incorporate my fellow brothers, Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore in 1963. I took on a new personality and a new name called Malaysia. All this was made possible under the umbrella of the now much-disputed Malaysia Agreement.

To make it a joyous occasion, I also celebrate Malaysia Day to mark the joining of the two eastern brothers with my peninsular self.

Unfortunately, Singapore left us to chart its own destiny. Critics predicted the island nation would perish after partition. It didn't happen. On the contrary, it flourished.

Just as I was about to get into a good mood, a tragedy overtook me. That was in May 1969. I won't dwell on that tragic passage of history. Suffice to say, it grieved me to receive so many souls into my earth.

Things began to look up over the years, and from the 1980s onwards I moved on from a mainly agriculture-based economy into heavy industries, electronics exports, petroleum production, and the services industry.

Now I have moved further into the technology sector, investing in all these mind-boggling things called data centres, 5G rollouts, and artificial intelligence.

Turning national pride into political dismay

But hold it! After 69 years of living free from the yoke of colonialism, including fighting off all those pesky commies during those emergency days, I should be rejoicing over the great achievements made over the decades. Right? Not really.

These days I hear ominous noises emanating mostly from people who call themselves politicians. They are giving me a lot of headaches.

This breed of people “runs for office, wins elections, joins the government, and helps make laws for the public”. If only they stick to their duties. What got me all riled up is the way they behave and think subsequently. They didn’t live up to the high standards expected of the representatives of the people.

I hear so many disturbing reports about the many bad things they do, which give me a bad name. You can say these people are “experts at doing what is bad but failures at doing what is good”.

One man in particular, in whom the public had placed their trust and elected him to the highest office on land, came to grief because he chose a crooked path. He’s now languishing in prison. Serves him right!

After many changes of the guard, one would expect life today to be better because we are “masters of our destiny”. It didn’t actually turn out that way. Instead, I hear shrill voices making all sorts of provocative remarks that make the bowels of my earth churn.

Many times they vented their spleen openly whenever it suited them. They stepped on me in the hundreds as they tramped down the streets yelling slogans and waving flags to display their political identity.

I distinctly hear them being classified as bigots, rightists, extremists, village champions, supremacists, diehard conservatives, boycott specialists, to name a few.

All their hate speeches, political rhetoric, and grandstanding make me sick to the bone. Don’t they realise how dangerous all this can be? Their irrational conduct is pushing me to the brink.

As far as I am concerned, I will stick a common label on all their foreheads and call them all “plain troublemakers”. Sometimes, I feel like opening up my earth and swallowing them all to keep the peace.

Lamenting rising racial rhetoric and division

Take, for example, one man who is the boss of one state who has been creating waves with his inflammatory remarks.

I was outraged when he dared to say my vast land is the only home of the dominant race. He’s insinuating that all the others can always pack up their bags and return to their ancestral homeland.

This firebrand even brazenly claimed that a piece of my land belongs to his state and he’s going to court to take back the “Pearl of the Orient”. What nonsense! I will state categorically that my land is all of one piece and no one can tear a piece of me to become part of another state.

Stop it! All you troublemakers! I, Malaysia, am the home to all races and faiths, and no one can claim exclusive rights to me.

Well before independence, I have welcomed warmly many migrants who have made me their homeland. They laboured to extract raw materials from my earth, tapped my barks, tilled my soil; in short, all of them have made me what I am today.

As I see it, my future is becoming increasingly uncertain as I see no end to this constant flow of diatribe which can only do more harm than good. I don’t understand why all these rabble-rousers want to ruin my beautiful land that has been in existence since time immemorial.

Soon I will hear the thudding of hundreds of feet on me as my fellow citizens march to mark my independence. It should be a day full of meaning and unity, but beneath the surface I can only watch with trepidation as I, Malaysia, shudder to think what lies ahead amidst all these unhealthy developments.

Tunku wanted me to be a “beacon of light in a disturbed and distracted world” but, sadly now, I am becoming more disturbed and distracted by all these domestic troubles. The light is becoming dimmer with each passing year.

Nobody expects a chairperson to know everything; but surely he should know enough to ask questions, challenge management, scrutinise the numbers and ask difficult questions like: "Are we sure?" "Can we afford this?"

A chairperson is not expected to run the organisation; but he is expected to ensure that important things do not go unquestioned.

So, the question remains: What did the chairperson know? What did he do with what he knew?

Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki has also denied involvement in Tabung Haji's decisions during his time as deputy minister.

Asyraf said he attended the 2017 signing ceremony with Al-Rawda Real Estate Development and Project Management Co Ltd because he was representing the minister as Malaysia's Chief of the Haj delegation.

We're not saying Asyraf was responsible for the investment, but Al-Rawda eventually resulted in a RM1.86 billion impairment, making it the largest loss among Tabung Haji's 14 problematic investments.

The Finance Ministry said there was no bank guarantee, the due diligence was incomplete and the transaction proceeded on a promissory note.

So, someone approved it, assessed the risks and decided it was acceptable. Who? That is the question.

The Finance Ministry also said 14 problematic Tabung Haji investments resulted in almost RM13 billion in losses.

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READ MORE: RCI: Governance failures, politics, 'creative accounting' led to Tabung Haji's financial crisis

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These are not small accounting errors. Yet we repeatedly hear: I didn't know. I wasn't involved. I had no authority. It was management.

How does an institution entrusted with billions of ringgit approve a transaction of this scale without adequate due diligence or a bank guarantee, and who was responsible for saying, "Stop. This isn't safe"?

Who was watching?

Meanwhile, former auditor-general Madinah Mohamad says she turned up to give evidence to the RCI, waited over 30 minutes, and was never called.

Her office had audited Tabung Haji and flagged two matters in its 2017 clean audit opinion.

So, we have to ask: If the chairperson didn't know, the deputy minister had no authority, and the auditor-general wasn't heard, who exactly was watching the shop?

At the time, the finance minister was Najib Abdul Razak.

However, the RCI did not establish which minister personally approved the individual payments, and Najib, former second finance ministers Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah and Johari Abdul Ghani were not interviewed by the commission.

So again: Who approved them? That question deserves an answer.

Repeated governance failures

We have seen variations of this story with Felda, Malaysia Airlines and other government-linked institutions.

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ALSO READ: KINIGUIDE | FGV delisting: End of Felda's 'experiment'

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The commonalities are: Political appointments. Questionable decisions. Huge losses. Investigations. Reports. Royal commissions of inquiry.

This is how responsibility somehow becomes elusive. Impunity grows because when nobody is held accountable, the next person has little reason to fear getting it wrong. Eventually, the taxpayer pays.

The Tabung Haji RCI report was withheld for years after its findings were completed. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said earlier disclosure could have caused panic and prompted depositors to withdraw their money.

We understand the concern, but surely there is an irony here: If transparency is too dangerous because people might lose confidence, what does that say about the confidence in the first place?

And delay has consequences.

An inquiry is supposed to establish what happened while the evidence is still fresh. Instead, Malaysians were left waiting years after the RCI completed its work. A royal commission should not become a time capsule.

And now, in 2026, we are asking questions about events that happened almost a decade ago.

Justice delayed

That matters, because justice delayed isn't simply justice postponed. Evidence deteriorates. Witnesses disappear. Memories change. People die.

And the longer we wait, the easier it becomes for responsibility to disappear into the cracks. Delay can make accountability harder, not easier.

Former minister Rafizi Ramli alleged the report was delayed for political reasons to avoid upsetting Umno. That remains an allegation, not an established fact.

Regardless of the reason, why did Malaysians have to wait so long?

Now the government has the opportunity to do what should have happened from the beginning: Follow the money. Find who approved the decisions. Find who knew. Find who failed to act.

And if the evidence shows wrongdoing, prosecute. No political protection. No special treatment. No "not me".

If the evidence leads to Umno, investigate the party. If it leads to Pakatan Harapan, investigate the coalition. If it leads elsewhere, follow it there.

Nobody should be above the law.

Tabung Haji is not simply another government-linked institution. Millions entrusted their savings to it, to help them fulfil a deeply important religious obligation. They deserve better than a merry-go-round of explanations.

RM13 billion is too much money to disappear into a fog of "I didn't know".

Prime minister, this is your opportunity. Don't just tell Malaysians that accountability matters. Show them.

Give Truth-and-Accountability a seat at the table, and this time, don't let her leave hungry.

Others questioned the timing of the release close to the Negeri Sembilan state election, leading some to suggest that the entire exercise was politically motivated.

Some of the shenanigans are in the public domain. In November 2023, Nor Badli Munawir Alias Lafti, former CEO of Tabung Haji unit TH Heavy Engineering Bhd, was sentenced to five years’ jail for criminal breach of trust and money laundering amounting to RM1.57 million and RM1.1 million, respectively. He was charged more than nine years ago, in January 2017.

This was not the only bad news. There were also questions asked when Tabung Haji bought into TH Heavy Engineering, which was known as Ramunia Holdings Bhd, in 2012. It bought shares in the open market and took control of the company before running it to the ground.

The company fell into the cash-strapped Practice Note 17 category not once but twice. It was disposed of to Minister of Finance Inc-controlled Urusharta Jamaah Sdn Bhd and eventually delisted.

Urusharta Jamaah acquired Tabung Haji’s non-performing assets at end-2018, paying RM19.9 billion - a hefty premium of RM9.9 billion - for assets worth RM10 billion. The assets included stakes in 106 listed companies; one unlisted plantation counter; 29 properties, including four hotels; and a plot of land at TRX.

Was MACC aware of the findings?

If releasing the RCI report earlier risked destabilising Tabung Haji, couldn’t the report - or relevant excerpts - be quietly handed to the MACC and other enforcement agencies so that those responsible could be investigated?

They were, if former Tabung Haji chairperson Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim is to be believed. The Star quoted him as saying that in 2021, then-MACC chief Azam Baki issued an official letter stating no abuse of power or misappropriation had been found.

“I was already cleared by the then-MACC chief commissioner in 2021. If the media wants to see proof, I can share the official letter which was given to me,” he said.

Azeez also said he spoke to the police two weeks ago, and claimed he was told the case file had been completed and was only awaiting a “no further action” directive.

So, did MACC read the report? On what basis were its investigations conducted and why did it choose to exonerate Azeez?

But Azam is a man whom Anwar last May described as having shown “extraordinary courage” in tackling high-level corruption.

“I believe, having observed the MACC over the decades, this is the first time they have dared to raid all the big bosses.

The MACC’s efforts, he said, will extend to high-profile individuals with honorific titles, and this requires political will and public support to maintain momentum.

So, is it reasonable to assume that the political will and public support arrived only last week, at the tail-end of an election campaign?

Reports must lead to action

Delays, excuses, and political calculations cannot be allowed to bury the truth. Every report - whether from an RCI, the auditor-general or MACC - must trigger action. It must be investigated and, where warranted, enforced without fear or favour.

Otherwise, these reports become little more than expensive paperwork: shielding the guilty while eroding public trust.

The Tabung Haji saga shows how withholding findings in the name of “stability” can breed impunity. For over three years, those implicated were free to go about their lives while depositors were kept in the dark.

Justice delayed is justice denied. If enforcement agencies could clear individuals without even reviewing the RCI’s findings, then the system itself is complicit.

Selective accountability, timed for political convenience, is no way to fight corruption. Reports must trigger investigations when they are produced, not be pulled off the shelf when political circumstances become convenient.

The public deserves answers, not excuses. Until every investigative report is treated as a call to action, corruption will remain a recurring headline rather than a resolved crime - and creative accounting will continue to find creative ways to flourish.

Keep in mind that when Umno was in jeopardy of being deregistered, it was Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail who saved Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s behind.

From reportage - “Earlier today, Saifuddin used his discretion as home minister to exempt Umno from having its registration revoked. He said his conclusion was made after examining the decision made during Umno’s general assembly on March 3, 2023.”

Zahid was right in 2019 when he said some folks don’t get it. DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke may have said that his party was willing to sacrifice anything for Anwar to be prime minister, but I am sure that he didn’t think this meant the latter throwing the DAP under the bus during Madani’s soon-to-be brief watch.

When the DAP was under attack by Umno, the prime minister remained silent.

Indeed, in many instances Anwar inflamed Umno’s narratives against DAP by calling out Seputeh MP Teresa Kok, ignoring the provocations of Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh, and disregarding the DAP’s non-Malay base.

Reputation laundering

When ordinary voters are already ginned up on race and religion and see this, they do not see a strong prime minister, but they sure as hell see a strong Umno, which was supposed to be beaten down by the hand of the rakyat but was propped up by Anwar’s hand.

The prime minister did not just let Zahid, who was facing corruption charges, be his number two.

When the deputy prime minister got his discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA), Anwar had the gall to claim that those charges were faulty and part of a wider political persecution by former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

And of course, laundering the reputation of a scandal-plagued politician like Zahid means that the same rule applies to the prime minister, as MIC helpfully pointed out in the prime minister’s KWAP row.

“At that time, Anwar relied on the same principle in making that appointment, namely that a person should not be punished before their guilt is proven in court.

“When Zahid was facing 47 charges in court, Anwar appointed him deputy prime minister. By the same principle, it is wrong for anyone to demand that he (Anwar) resign?” said MIC president SA Vigneswaran.

Umno rebuilds to Harapan’s cost

And what did Zahid do with his ministerial portfolio and as the second-most powerful man in the country?

Well, he rebuilt alliances within the civil services, engineered sub rosa alliances between Umno and various PAS emissaries at the state level, all the while making Madani look like a sham (which it was) but, more importantly, destroying the credibility of the prime minister and, of course, the DAP.

All those appointments Zahid made to strategic posts within and outside the government, all those moves sanctioned by Pakatan Harapan may seem like a fait accompli.

But look closer - all these positions are in some way connected not only to the mid-level echelons of the bureaucracy (which have vast influence) but also to service grassroots-level proxies in various states.

Folks go on about political appointments, but here is the thing: this was done not for the benefit of party stalwarts but mostly for Umno. And Umno, of course, smugly noticed.

Akmal claimed that Anwar understood the BN way of doing things when the prime minister said: “We must offer positions to qualified individuals as a gesture of appreciation for their decades of commitment and sacrifice.”

And what do you think all these Umno people did? Do you think they were working for the betterment of Madani? Do you think they wanted to see this unity government succeed?

When Madani was busy cracking down on progressive voices in the majority community, who do you think benefited? When the prime minister was busy burnishing his racial and Islamic credentials, who do you think this benefited?

Keep in mind that the prime minister had even extended an invitation for PAS to join Madani.

What does it say about the Madani government if PAS, which routinely demonises non-Malays, goes against the wishes of the royal institutions, and has proclaimed itself as the gatekeeper of Islam, joined this unity government?

Anwar’s coddling of the civil service - even apologising to them at one point, strengthening the religious bureaucracy, and cracking down on free speech benefits only Umno and whoever is hitching a ride on their coattails.

Lesser of two evils? Not anymore

These days, Harapan cannot even claim to be the lesser of two evils when it comes to corruption due to Madani’s perceived selective prosecution of certain individuals while protecting others.

This is what the Tabung Haji scandal clearly demonstrates. When former economy minister Rafizi Ramli said: “At that time, Anwar was very careful to protect Umno’s feelings, so the decision was made to bury the report,” you have to wonder what other corruption cases were covered up solely to protect Umno?

The fact that a jaded rakyat is resigning itself to BN again is perhaps Harapan’s greatest failing.

Now, Zahid wants Umno to go at it alone in the upcoming Malacca election, saying the party will only cooperate with others who come in good faith. This translates to any party that bends the knee to Umno.

This is how power is used, and it was given to Umno freely by Anwar and Madani.

I’m sorry, but this sounds like damage control, especially the part about “animal safety”. It’s akin to “blaming the victim”.

What complicated matters is that many residents were allowed to join the operation. When such a crowd goes round a housing area hunting dogs, some overzealous men can turn an orderly operation into an angry mob. How could MBDK control the crowd?

Some were enraged, claiming Rocky had bitten somebody. But the lady owner avowed that her pet had never bitten anyone before.

“We raised him since he was small and he was part of our family. He didn't deserve to die like this,” she said.

A video of the incident shared by Charles shows the woman owner begging a shouting group of men to release Rocky. They clearly had more numbers and power than the lady.

Would she have dared to “act aggressively”, as claimed by MBDK? Is it more likely that she was simply desperate to save her beloved pet when trying to cut the noose?

Two-Malaysia divide

Conversely, many Malays point to dogs biting people. These have included attacks by fierce breeds such as Rottweilers and German Shepherds.

Although I love dogs, punishment is needed when pets injure others.

But it’s more fuzzy when stray dogs with no owners attack others. One side says that unlike fierce breeds, street canines usually don’t bite people - unless they are provoked.

The other side says all strays are dangerous and must be hunted down mercilessly. This encourages boys to throw rocks at dogs, as some deem them “binatang kotor” (unclean animals). But dogs can detect hatred and may react in self-defence.

Yet many other animals are deemed “unclean”, including carnivores with fangs (lions, what about cats?), birds with talons (eagles) and also reptiles (lizards, iguanas).

Yet they don’t evoke the same hatred as dogs. Is it because canines are bred by non-Malays?

And not all dogs bite; some just bark. But some people on motorbikes panic and end up crashing as a result.

This happened at Taman Teluk Gedung Indah in Port Klang, when a youth was allegedly chased by several dogs. He lost control of his bike at a road bump and then crashed.

He injured his head and went into a coma, but has since recovered. The photo of him on a hospital bed went viral and seemed to be the trigger that sparked the vengeful mob.

Somehow, this was twisted into claims that Rocky had bitten someone.

But running triggers a dog’s natural instinct to chase you. As a teen, I once tried to outrun a barking dog on my bicycle and then fell.

The dog caught up with me but didn’t bite - my bruises were caused by my own panic. I never repeated that mistake.

The correct response is to stop, get off the vehicle, then look calmly at any aggressive dogs -  with compassion if possible - and they will back down. That’s how I’ve dealt with growling street dogs around the world without any problems.

Apart from freaking out, perhaps the motorcyclist didn’t wear a helmet. Is that how he injured his head badly after falling? Dog haters may hurl abuse at me, but let’s be honest and objective about what probably happened.

Compassion in Islam?

It’s disturbing that the crowd was still aggressive even though the lady was on her knees, wailing and begging for Rocky’s life. Even if the dog had no licence, surely some compassion could have been shown?

Islam teaches kindness. Muslims say “Bismillah” every day, invoking the name of the Most Gracious and Most Merciful God. But no quarter was shown to Rocky.

Were people with a “ketuanan” mindset bullying an Indian lady? If the dog was owned by a Mat Salleh, would they have behaved the same way?

Selangor’s Tengku Permaisuri Norashikin expressed deep sadness and anger over recent incidents of cruelty towards pets and stray animals.

Amazingly, this was the fifth time Her Majesty had spoken up about local councils in Selangor mistreating dogs, including in Banting, Shah Alam, and now MBDK. Surely a “royal” body should have higher standards?

I see this as a failure of the Pakatan Harapan state government, which controls Selangor local councils. We need elections for them to ensure they listen more to residents.

They should do this last good deed before they lose the next elections to the BN-PAS Malay wave.

Sadly, the royal reminder didn’t stop Malays from hurling dog hatred online and even insults against Her Majesty.

One comment went – when it comes to the pets of “bangsa asing” (foreign races), everybody makes noise, but when our children are bitten, all are quiet. One abusive fellow wrote, “Pi mampus la, anjing dah gigit org (go and die, the dog bit someone)”.

Another netizen accused Her Majesty of “talking too much” because the “Chinese were upset”. Another joker slammed her as an elite “T20 person” who didn’t understand reality.

If non-Malays had said similar things, they would have been quickly traced and arrested for insulting royalty.

Several Malays blamed the Indian lady for the dog’s death. Others shifted the topic to drunk drivers, the Carlsberg factory in Shah Alam, and even the death of fire and rescue personnel Adib Kassim during a riot. Anything to justify their prejudice.

Muar MP Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman posted on Facebook that the threat from a few dogs cannot be used to justify another injustice.

But abuse was hurled at him in response, including that his fiancée, Bella, should be bitten by a dog. He then removed his post.

A mob mentality of online bullying seems prevalent. Did the dog hunting “volunteers” in Port Klang have a similar mindset?

Is this sense of racial grievance and victimhood due to political fearmongering? And provocations by cyber troopers that the Malays are “under threat”?

Fair compromise solutions

Three probes into the Rocky killing by the police, Veterinary Services, and the Housing and Local Government Ministry have been announced.

Amid this heated racially-coloured debate, we need calm, clear heads to find fair, compromise solutions.

1) Responsible pet ownership means keeping dogs on a leash outside the house. Local councils should follow the humane trap-neuter-release approach of the Penang Island City Council (MBPP) to control strays.

Tengku Permaisuri Norashikin advocated this in 2024. It’s also done in the Muslim city of Istanbul. Yet Selangor local councils have ignored this. Why?

2) What about cats? I once had a neighbour with eight cats that kept invading my garden to deposit their stinking poop. Nobody compensated me for this nuisance and source of disease. 

The dog haters should ask if people can go around catching or poisoning cats? If not, why is cruelty against dogs allowed?

3) Education is crucial. Bukit Bendera MP Syerleena Abdul Rashid said Islam doesn’t support cruelty towards dogs, but instead calls for compassion.

The correct ways to deal with stray dogs, as mentioned earlier, should be spread online too.

4) Any dog catching operations must be limited to council officers, not “volunteers” who may become vigilantes. Offering money to catch strays, as done in Shah Alam in 2024, only encourages more cruelty.

Some may even catch licensed dogs for the money. High redemption fees to release captured dogs are a blatant attempt to tax dog lovers. It’s probably more useful to offer money to catch litterbugs, dirty eateries, and corrupt officials. 

Sadly, the killing of Rocky has become a racial issue and exposed how Malaysian society is “retak menanti belah” (cracked and waiting to be split open). We can’t go on this way.

Other Umno appointees were Ahmad Jazlan Yaakob (Felcra chairperson); Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki (Mara), and Noraini Ahmad (Risda).

However, it was the appointment of Nooryana Najwa Najib, daughter of former prime minister Najib Abdul Razak, to the board of the Matrade that drew the most attention and indicated Umno’s grip on Anwar.

From reform pledge to political patronage

This trend continued, and the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (Ideas) flagged 238 political appointments to federal statutory bodies (FSB) and GLCs under Anwar’s administration.

In its report, titled “Who Sits at the Table: From Political to Public Appointees in Malaysia’s Federal Statutory Bodies”, released in March, the think tank found that 222 political appointments were made to FSBs, while another 16 were to GLCs.

“The appointments, made between August and October 2025, revealed that while Harapan parties largely - though not entirely - honoured the pledge, BN, particularly Umno, flouted it, resulting in a flood of its members into plum positions.”

Did Anwar break his promise? When asked about the appointments in late 2022, he reportedly quipped that the public can expect some political appointments to be made in GLCs, dismissing suggestions that he is outright against the idea.

“I never said that individuals involved in politics cannot be part of (GLC) management. However, they should be bound by certain conditions and have the required qualifications in the relevant fields.

“There is a possibility that several political figures or MPs will be assigned (to GLCs), but we will set the guidelines on the required level of an individual’s professional ability, his past performance, and compliance with the rules of governance.”

Changing stance

But by May last year, he appeared to shift his position.

A Malay Mail report cited Anwar during his winding-up speech at the PKR national congress, where he said appointments are a “reward” that individuals deserve for their service and contributions to the success of the political party that eventually forms the government.

The immediate retort came from Ideas: “This narrative sends a dangerous message that public roles can be handed out like political souvenirs, rather than earned through merit and competence.”

The royal commission of inquiry report on the mismanagement of Tabung Haji was explicit – apportioning blame, among others, to politicians who sat on the boards of the organisation and subsidiaries.

Political involvement in its management, which extended to after the change of government from BN to Harapan in 2018, undermined the institution’s credibility and influenced key financial decisions, the report noted.

This exposed the pilgrimage fund’s decisions to political criticism and ultimately damaged public confidence in the institution, the report read.

The inquiry found that political considerations influenced major financial decisions, including the rate of profit distribution, or hibah, haj payments, and the provision of haj financial support.

A passive director

In response, former Tabung Haji chairperson Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim maintained that he had no absolute authority over the pilgrimage fund’s management, saying he only played a non-executive role during his 2013-2018 tenure.

Azeez stressed that he was not involved in the fund’s daily operations or investment decisions, explaining that all proposals were vetted by Tabung Haji’s management before being served to the board.

According to the former Baling MP, the board met once a month to deliberate on papers that covered investment proposals, governance matters, bonus and hibah payments, as well as other administrative issues.

“I had no authority to sign cheques or ask people what they were doing. No, no. Everything would only be reported to the board every month,” Azeez added.

But the Companies Commission states that a director must exercise reasonable care and skill expected of a person of his experience and be diligent in managing the company's affairs.

“Thus, there is no such thing as a passive director. A director who is passive by not being involved in the company’s management may have breached his duty of care, skill, and diligence.

“When evaluating significant deals, contracts, new hires, investors, and business partners, directors may rely on the advice or opinion of the board member, engage experts or professional consultants who are believed to be reliable and competent to provide information.”

So, Azeez’s assertions and excuses are indefensible. Is he admitting incompetency or a breach of the Companies Act by being ignorant of his statutory duties?

Test of Anwar’s reform credentials

Anwar came to power promising to dismantle the patronage system. Less than three years later, that promise lies in tatters. The revolving door of political appointees has swung wide open, ushering in Umno warlords and party loyalists who treat statutory bodies and GLCs as spoils of victory.

The Tabung Haji scandal is proof of what happens when politics infects governance: credibility collapses, financial decisions are warped, and public trust evaporates.

To describe appointments as “rewards” is to reduce public institutions into political spoils - a contradiction of the reformist agenda Anwar campaigned on and a dangerous precedent for Malaysia’s future.

The question now is whether Anwar is willing to confront this contradiction.

Will he review these appointments and follow the principle of merit-based governance, or will he allow Umno’s grip to tighten and let reform remain only a slogan?

If he fails to confront this rot, history may not remember him as the leader who promised change, but as the prime minister who allowed political expediency to overwhelm reform.

Malaysia deserves better than recycled patronage presented as governance.

All of this is not new. PSM has been doing this for some time now. Referring to the words of the retired PSM chief Nasir Hashim - “I was the chairperson of the Support Committee of Urban Pioneers. At that time we had more than 50 villagers in our committee. They were mostly Malays, except for one estate.

“We did not allow the authorities and developers to label them as squatters, for squatters have no rights in court. So we called them urban pioneers because for three generations they developed the land with a promise of permanent housing.

“We created havoc, and since then, they have been given compensation and alternate housing.”

PSM deputy chairperson S Arutchelvan wondered what PKR deputy president Nurul Izzah Anwar, who is the prime minister’s daughter and was once shocked by the state’s harassment of these folks, will do now.

We voted for this

Does it really matter? I mean, here we have PSM essentially fighting for not only the rights of the disenfranchised but also for the issue of food security for this country, while the prime minister gets his picture taken with a member of the plutocrat class.

Liow, who was granted a DNAA on his 26 money laundering charges involving RM36 million, getting his picture taken with Anwar is strange, of course.

I mean, if the prime minister were ignorant of who this person was, it would be even more queer.

Also, as far as optics go, a politician would normally attempt to gain some coverage by taking pictures with folks who were on the receiving end of injustice by the system. But here in Madani, everything is backwards.

Rational Malaysians have to wonder why Liow would wander into a Madani shindig after all the state has alleged about his activities and is embraced by the political class.

This is the kind of chutzpah that is only cultivated in Malaysia. This is about a system that a majority of Malaysians vote for and then complain and engage in culture wars over, which buries the class conflicts embedded in the system.

While mainstream political coalitions are busy finding easily identifiable “enemies”, PSM identifies systemic deficiencies and misguided policies that essentially encourage the working-class to vote against their long-term interests.

The sight of Jeyakumar, PSM committee member R Karthiges, its Perak Youth member P Kesavan, and a farmer identified as Ho Pon Tien being carted away by police in Tambun during an eviction of farmers and then released is a reminder of Harapan’s failure.

The progressive forces in this country, which were supposed to bring hope to a certain section of the public, have completely failed the people who voted for them.

Liow et all getting their acquittals and DNAA shines a spotlight on the nexus between class, political power, and alleged criminality.

Indifference

It says a lot about the shamelessness of political operatives in who they choose to be seen with, not to mention gives a fig leaf of respectability to those who would ordinarily be shunned by the right-thinking citizens.

What happened in Tambun, the prime minister’s own parliamentary constituency - the scuffles, the bloodied face, and the arrests - are, in reality, the culmination of bureaucratic and political indifference and not some sort of performance theatre.

It is disheartening to read about huge crowds collecting money and food for people who are suffering injustice in another part of the world while looking at the photos of hardworking people who are toiling the land for our benefit but are marginalised by the supposedly reform-minded forces in this country.

These families have a history of doing the hard, often thankless jobs of working on farms and, let us be honest, far from the democratic and societal norms that privilege a certain class of urban people.

What PSM was doing was not only shining a spotlight on the system’s inequalities but also highlighting an integral part of Malaysian life, far from the bourgeois politics of the urban enclaves.

The prime minister knows exactly how to play the class card. Attempting to raise populist sentiment, he once called out the fat cat Malay plutocrat class, who claimed to have the best interests of the Malay polity at heart but in reality merely exploited them.

Anwar also said the quiet part out loud when he said, “I want to tell the leaders with the titles of ‘Tun’ and ‘Tan Sri’ who are rich - if you really want to save Malays, give them half of your billions in profits tomorrow.”

It is talk like this which frightens the more intelligent members of the religious extremist coalition going up against this coalition government.

If you look at Malay operatives from PSM, their class struggle rhetoric often highlights the socialistic underpinnings of their religion. That is why the state strictly controls religious narratives.

Ultimately, the existence of PSM and its failure to gain traction with the voting polity is an indictment not of the system but of a segment of the voting polity agitating for reform but content with the current paradigm.

The Malays, as we would recognise them, did not exist yet when that expansion began - they took shape much later, inside Island Southeast Asia itself, through contact, adaptation and the gradual formation of states.

So where exactly did that happen? Several of the earliest written sources point to the same answer: southeast Sumatra, not the Malay Peninsula.

Chinese records from the 7th century mention a kingdom called Mo-lo-yu, or Malayu, in the Jambi region.

Centuries later, the Javanese court poet Mpu Prapanca, in his book titled “Desawarnana”, also located Melayu in Sumatra. Writing in the early 16th century, the Portuguese apothecary Tomé Pires associated Tanah Melayu with an area near Palembang.

What is striking here is not just what these sources say, but who is saying it.

A Chinese court chronicler, a Javanese poet and a Portuguese apothecary had nothing in common - different centuries, different civilisations, different reasons for writing. Yet they all locate the same region as the birthplace of Melayu.

What modern historians say?

Modern historians back this up. Leonard Andaya has argued that “Malay” originally referred to communities in southeast Sumatra, only later expanding to cover other Malay-speaking populations.

OW Wolters went further, describing the southeastern coast of Sumatra as the heartland of the early Malay seafaring world.

When four independent traditions - separated by centuries and by civilisation - line up this closely with each other and with modern scholarship, that is not a coincidence worth dismissing.

This should not really be controversial if you think about it. Peoples migrate. They build new centres of power.

They turn unfamiliar land into the heartland of a civilisation that had not previously existed there. The English did not originate in London. The Turks did not first emerge in Anatolia.

Recognising southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ earliest home does not take anything away from what they went on to build on the peninsula.

If anything, it explains it.

How the peninsula became Tanah Melayu

For more than 2,000 years, the Straits of Malacca connected the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea - one of the busiest sea lanes on earth.

Rather than dividing Sumatra from the peninsula, the straits bound them together. Traders crossed back and forth. So did scholars, religious teachers and ruling families.

Alliances were made, trade networks grew, and cultural habits moved freely between both shores long before Malacca ever existed.

It was this constant traffic across the straits that eventually pulled the centre of gravity of Malay civilisation away from Sumatra and onto the peninsula.

The turning point came with the founding of the Malacca Sultanate around 1400. Its founder, Parameswara, was a prince from Palembang - in other words, from the old Sumatran heartland.

His crossing to the peninsula was not an isolated event; it was really just the most consequential instance of a movement that had been building for generations, as Malay rulers, traders and settlers kept crossing the straits in search of new opportunities.

Malacca had one enormous advantage: location. Ships from China, India, the Middle East and across the archipelago all converged there, turning it into more than a trading post – it became a hub of diplomacy, scholarship and religious exchange.

Malay became the language of regional trade. Islam embedded itself in the political and social life of the region. Malay ideas about kingship, law and court culture became the template that later sultanates across maritime Southeast Asia would copy.

It is fitting that Andaya calls Malacca the “standard-bearer” of Malay civilisation.

As Malacca’s influence grew, so did the meaning of the word “Melayu” itself. What had once described communities on the Sumatran coast gradually stretched to cover a much wider cultural and political identity.

By the early 1500s, the peninsula - not Sumatra - had become the centre of Malay political power, trade and culture.

That shift, not some original point of origin, is the real reason the peninsula came to be called Tanah Melayu.

What this means for Malay identity

This history also tells us something about what being “Malay” actually meant. Anthony Milner has made the point that “Malayness” was never just about bloodline.

Over centuries, it developed into something closer to a civilisational identity - built around language, Islam, loyalty to Malay rulers, and adherence to Malay custom.

Communities from Java, Minangkabau, the Bugis lands, Banjar and Aceh were gradually absorbed into this wider Malay world through assimilation.

Families of Arab, Indian and Chinese descent who adopted Islam, spoke Malay and lived by Malay custom were, in time, accepted as Malay too.

Malaysia’s Federal Constitution still reflects this. It defines a Malay by religion, language and custom - not by descent.

Why this matters?

Does any of this actually matter, beyond academic interest? I think it does – because our understanding of history should rest on evidence, not on inherited assumptions that nobody bothers to check.

Recognising southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ earliest home does not undermine the constitutional position of Malays today, nor does it diminish the peninsula’s central role in Malay history, or the achievements of the Malay sultanates and rulers.

Those belong to a different – later - chapter of the story, and there is no need to conflate the two.

If anything, the historical record makes the Malay story more impressive, not less. Starting from southeast Sumatra, the Malays built a civilisation whose reach went far beyond its original borders.

Their language became the lingua franca of maritime Southeast Asia. Their political traditions shaped one sultanate after another. Their literary, legal and cultural legacy is still felt across the region today.

History rarely stays still. It is not about fixed homelands or unchanging identities - it is about movement, adaptation and renewal. The Malays are a good example of exactly that.

Conclusion

So, was the Malay Peninsula the ancestral homeland of the Malays? The evidence does not really support that claim.

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READ MORE: COMMENT | History, homeland, and who belongs in Malaysia

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The earliest surviving written references to “Melayu”, together with the conclusions of leading historians, point instead to southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ original homeland.

It was only over the following centuries that the centre of Malay civilisation crossed the straits to the peninsula, where it eventually reached its fullest political, cultural and intellectual expression.

This is not just a technical correction. It is a reminder that peoples and civilisations rarely stay put in one place, frozen at one moment in time.

What makes the Malays remarkable is not a claim to some single, unbroken homeland - it is their ability to build, again and again, a civilisation that shaped the history of an entire region.

He must question management, challenge decisions, identify risks, and ensure that the board acts in the best interests of the institution.

According to the RCI, the Tabung Haji board approved accounting practices involving subjective asset valuations which strengthened the institution’s reported financial position. These figures were then used to justify hibah payments and bonuses which the commission found were not financially sustainable.

These were not minor operational decisions. They were governance decisions.

A chairperson cannot claim responsibility when things go well, but distance himself when questions arise. A chairperson is not appointed because he knows everything. He is appointed to make sure that important questions are asked.

Power without accountability

Malaysia has developed a disturbing culture, whereby those at the top enjoy the authority, status, and benefits of leadership.

However, when things go wrong, responsibility appears to disappear. Management made the decisions. The CEO handled operations. The board relied on reports. The minister relied on advice.

Everyone had a role, yet nobody is responsible.

This is Malaysia’s accountability discount. The higher the position, the easier it appears to simply claim: “I didn’t know.”

Unfortunately, Tabung Haji is not an isolated case. Malaysians have heard variations of the same explanation before.

Felda. 1MDB. MAS. The Scorpene controversy. The littoral combat ships scandal.

Different institutions. Different leaders. Different circumstances.

Yet the same refrain: “I wasn’t involved.” “It was management.” “The board approved it.” “Don't blame me.”

The facts of these cases are different and should be judged individually.

But the broader question remains: Why does Malaysia repeatedly fail to build institutions where responsibility follows authority?

The greatest failure is not merely that scandals happen. The greatest failure is that the lessons disappear afterwards.

More than money, a sacred trust

This is why Tabung Haji matters so deeply. It is not simply another government-linked institution. For millions of Malays and Muslims, Tabung Haji represents years of sacrifice and discipline.

Every ringgit deposited represents a dream - to fulfil one of the most important obligations in Islam.

Parents save for their children. Families put aside money for decades. Many ordinary Malaysians sacrifice other comforts because performing the haj is a lifelong aspiration.

The government was therefore entrusted with more than savings. It was entrusted with faith.

When confidence in Tabung Haji was shaken, many depositors withdrew their money. They were not reacting merely to accounting figures. They were reacting to a loss of trust.

Financial losses can be repaired. Broken trust is far harder to restore.

The Tabung Haji episode also raises a wider question about political appointments.

Why are politicians and politically connected individuals repeatedly appointed to institutions managing billions of ringgit?

A board should exist to challenge management, not simply endorse decisions placed before it. If directors do not independently question proposals, then governance becomes nothing more than a performance.

Public institutions do not need political decoration. They need professional guardians.

Structural change, not another inquiry

Malaysia does not need another RCI followed by another promise of reform. It needs structural change.

First, major public institutions should have transparent, merit-based appointments. Those managing billions of ringgit belonging to ordinary Malaysians should be selected for competence, independence, and governance experience, not political connections.

Second, RCI recommendations should not disappear into government files. Every report should trigger a formal parliamentary review, with the government required to explain what actions have been taken.

Third, those appointed to leadership positions must understand one simple principle: authority and responsibility must come together.

You cannot accept the title, influence, and benefits of leadership, then reject responsibility when failures occur.

The issue is no longer just Abdul Azeez. He represents a much larger problem.

Malaysia does not suffer from a shortage of inquiries or recommendations. It suffers from a shortage of reform and the political will to implement it.

Every government promises change when it is in opposition. Every government speaks of transparency, accountability, and meritocracy; but once in power, the temptation to preserve the same systems of patronage often proves too strong.

Real reform requires more than speeches. It requires leaders willing to change a system that may benefit those holding power.

Tabung Haji was entrusted with the hopes of millions of Muslims. Other scandals affected taxpayers, settlers, employees, and national security.

Different victims. Different institutions. Same governance failure.

Until Malaysia replaces political patronage with merit, and excuses with accountability, another scandal will come.

The institution will be different. The names will be different. But the words may sound familiar. “I didn’t know.”

Similarly, the contributions of Indians in the rubber industry are reduced to just two sentences in the same book.

Indian labourers also literally built roads, railways, bridges, ports, and government buildings all over Malaya.

The Public Works Department (PWD) was once dominated by Indian Malaysians, and that’s why the late MIC president S Samy Vellu served as the works minister.

Don’t forget that many labourers died from malaria while clearing the jungles for mines and rubber estates, and also from malnutrition and exploitation.

Dear Anwar, isn’t that the “sacrifice” that you spoke of at Fort Cornwallis?

Many towns were also built by Chinese and Indian traders. The new textbooks may deny this, but the hard evidence can still be seen in heritage shops.

How do Malay students visiting our old towns reconcile what they see with what they have “learned” in school?

I agree with Ranjit that Malays are the “tunjang” or backbone of this country. Nobody disputes that. But please lah, why resort to rewriting history to downplay the contribution of other races? That doesn’t exactly reflect self-confidence.

Sanusi covers failures with racism

Both Anwar and Sanusi made political speeches which lacked historical truth. The latter has repeatedly waded into racial issues, drawing criticism from his opponents and civil society groups, to divert from his own trainwrecks.

Kedah under PAS has failed to ensure adequate water supply while deforestation starves rivers during the dry season.

In the rainy season, devastating floods can happen, as seen in Yan in 2021.

The RM73 million Sungai Petani racing circuit lies abandoned while the RM1.3 billion race track cum resort project in Langkawi was allegedly given to a bankrupt.

The biggest blow was the withdrawal of Dubai investors from the RM40 billion Widad Langkasuka mixed development project

All these, plus the Kulim International Airport, were part of Sanusi’s “Greater Kedah” blueprint. However, they have all ended up a dud.

But Sanusi is a taichi master in avoiding blame by using racial rhetoric, including his latest Tanah Melayu comments.

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ALSO READ: COMMENT | 'Malays only have Malaya' remark based on historical context

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It was deemed too racist even by Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who told the Kedah MB not to come and mess up the election campaign in Negeri Sembilan.

He said Sanusi must respect Malaysia’s multiracial society and not touch on race, religion, and royalty during the Negeri Sembilan campaign.

Despite the barrage of criticism from Zahid and other BN leaders, the BN-Perikatan Nasional pact continues in the state.

This proves that even racism, which Umno itself admits has gone too far, will not derail the political cooperation.

Insulting Malay Nusantara heritage

The PAS leader has insulted not only Chinese and Indians but also trampled on the glorious regional heritage of the Malay Nusantara.

He seems to have deliberately ignored the fact that three sultans have Bugis ancestors from South Sulawesi and that the Minangkabau people of Negeri Sembilan came from western Sumatera.

Let’s not forget that the Malays of East Malaysia draw their heritage from the past Brunei empire that once controlled all of Sarawak and Sabah.

Sanusi also conveniently overlooked that many Pattani Malays from southern Thailand have opened tomyam shops all over the country!

If you go to the counter or kitchen, take a peek at the order chits, which are often written in Thai! Yet they speak a Malay dialect similar to Kelantanese.

Many Malays have Javanese roots, including Zahid and former Selangor menteri besar Khir Toyo. Malaysia has at least six places called Kampung Jawa in Selangor, Malacca, Kuantan, and Segamat in Johor.

In fact, there are so many Javanese in Ayer Hitam, Johor and Sekinchan, Selangor that the two Chinese politicians there - MCA president Wee Ka Siong and Selangor exco Ng Suee Lim - can speak some Javanese!

Even Parameswara, the founder of Malacca, was a refugee prince from Palembang, fleeing the ruins of the Srivijaya empire. The empire his successors founded later was on both the Malay Peninsula and Sumatera.

Dubious claims

There were also dubious claims about the “glorious” record of the warrior Mat Kilau in a jingoistic movie, which was also debunked by Ranjit.

He pointed out that the nobles involved were actually more interested in defending their own feudal privileges, as the British wanted to restrict slavery and take over tax collection.

So, why resort to false history to bolster racial pride? Well, fake modern histories about “defending” or “uplifting” Malays are also heard nowadays from the same political party that enabled the neo-feudal plunder of 1MDB, Tabung Haji, and Felda.

There seems to be a pattern here.

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READ MORE: Najib's 1MDB plunder made Attila the Hun look like a choirboy – judge

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And of course, Sanusi had claimed repeatedly that Penang should be returned to Kedah.

Bashing a Chinese-majority DAP-led state is a tried and tested tactic to distract Kedah Malays from the multiple failures of the PAS-led state government.

But he should be careful while playing games with history. What if Thailand reclaims Kedah, Kelantan, and Terengganu?

Can Brunei reclaim Sarawak? Can the Philippines claim Sabah?

Is Anwar better?

Sanusi is a serial rabble-rouser, but is Anwar any better? After all, he is a “great intellectual” who (supposedly) wrote “The Asian Renaissance” book.

Anwar spoke of decolonising the past at Fort Cornwallis but ignores the whitewashing, or rather brown-washing, of history to glorify one race and downplay others.

The system has been pushing a new “ketuanan” (supremacy) version of history, but Anwar seems oblivious.

Sadly, it’s no accident that the blood and sweat of Chinese and Indians in building this nation’s wealth are being erased from school textbooks - 17 of the 18 writers are from one ethnic group, noted Ranjit.

He lamented that our Indian past has also been covered up, even though many Malay words such as “syurga” (heaven), “neraka” (hell), “suka” (like), “duka” (sad), “raja” (king), “menteri” (minister) and even “agama” (religion), “bahasa” (language), and bumiputera all come from Sanskrit or Pali languages.

The words “kedai” (shop), “katil” (bed), “kapal” (ship) come from Tamil.

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ALSO READ: COMMENT | Restoring the Hindu-Buddhist foundations of Malay civilisation

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Heck, even the role of the most bumiputera of bumiputera, the Orang Asli, has been ignored, said Ranjit. Does this psychologically enable powerful elites to grab their land?

A dubious academic

The distortion of history is getting extreme, with an academic declaring that ancient Malays taught shipbuilding to Romans and flying kungfu to people in China.

She even claimed that the Prophet’s wife, Khadija, was Malay.

The rewriting of history seems to say: this country was built by one race, and that’s why we “deserve” to be the masters or “tuan”.

There are many smart Malays around who don’t need this false boost. Artificially inflated bubbles don’t help genuine Malay progress; they just mask failures.

Just look at Sanusi. Yes, build real self-confidence, not fake chest-thumping from half-truths.

Meanwhile, only genuine multiracial history can build real harmony and unity.

So, dear Anwar, please stop the disease of replacing white colonial masters’ history with that of new brown “tuan”.