Has the prime minister condemned the hate speech of religious extremists who have labelled non-believers ākafirā?
Has Anwar condemned the persecution of non-Muslim businesses by provocateurs from his own coalition?
Has he stood up for progressive Muslims, who stand alone most often against the extremism of the far religious right?
Has
the premier offered a religious narrative which is removed from
hate-filled rhetoric and policies of those on the āother side, who claim
to be the only Islamic partyā?
Snake in the grass
Religious provocations come from the practitioners of the state-sponsored religion and not from minority belief systems.
Such
provocations include threats to burn holy texts, disrespecting
religious symbols or icons, investigations into possible proselytising,
claims against other religions, banning of words, and imposing dress
codes in public institutions.
Unilateral conversions, unlawful
conversions of minors, religious kidnapping in custody cases,
rehabilitation centres, and seditious comments against specific
religions are also part of this.
Two points need to be made about the prime ministerās claim on people who do not want any mention of Islam.
The
first is that this type of strategy is employed by politicians who do
not want any form of pushback against Islamic policies, even if said
policies encroach into non-Muslim rights.
Secondly, when it comes
to the non-Muslim political class, they have bent over backwards in
their attempts to be supportive of such policies, and when it comes to
objecting to such religious intrusions into non-Muslsim rights, they
have to object with one hand tied behind their backs, lest they are
accused of stirring up 3R (race, religion, royalty) issues.
Islamophobia
is something religious political operatives use when attempting to
impose religious policies or restrict free speech.
Non-Muslims hit by ricochet
Mind
you, if there was a strict separation between policies which affect
Muslims and non-Muslims, and there was empirical evidence to support
such a position, then non-Malays would not have a fear of Islam.
Instead,
the rules that apply to Muslims only have always touched non-Muslims
and defined our economic, social and political realities.
Have you noticed that āthe other sideā also uses the same kind of strategy when it comes to religious policy?
These
days, anyone who objects to religious policy encroaching upon their
democratic rights is considered Islamophobic or does not want any
mention of Islam.
If, for example, you object to any Islamic
policy which affects non-Muslim economic interests, are you Islamophobic
and do not want any mention of Islam?
Inter-religious rivalry
Meanwhile, claiming the other side thinks other Muslims not of their tribe are deviant, evil and oppressive misses the point.
We
have religious bureaucracies, state and federal, who are the
gatekeepers of Islam. They are always on the lookout for deviancy and
evil and have been called oppressive in their overreach and
policymaking.
Hence, inter-religious rivalries and schisms for religious dominance are the basis for political power.
The recent Global Ikhwan Service and Business Holding (GISBH) horror story
is an example of how factionalism, schisms, religious personalities and
the religious bureaucracy, coupled with big business, form the central
narrative of religious hegemony.
The
threat has always been the enemies within and not the propaganda that
non-Muslim faiths are a threat to the religion of the state.
Furthermore,
Anwarās other side argument only makes sense if you can point to a
religious narrative that is different from PAS/Perikatan Nasionalās.
Can
the prime minister do this? For example, a religious bureaucracy has
labelled Sisters in Islam as deviant. Has any religious bureaucracy
labelled anything PAS has said or done as deviant within the confines of
the religion of the state?
Sure, you can say that Pakatan Harapan
states are not like PAS-run states, but this is a function of ethnic
democracy and not religious ideology.
Keep in mind that religious
bureaucracies still hold sway in Harapan-controlled states, but they do
not have the overreach they do because they lack the political capital
in terms of vote share to make their presence truly felt.
Anwarās
false premise is self-serving and extremely dangerous because it
conforms to far-right religious narratives and further marginalises
voices that actually want reform.
The factual premise is that the
prime minister, on one hand, wants to strengthen the position of Islam,
and, on the other, claims that Islamophobia is a threat to the religion
of the state.
The reality has always been that religious fascism is a threat to national unity.