Malaysiakini : "Power is not a means; it is an end.ā - George Orwell, 1984COMMENT |
Kadir Jasin is right when he says that the prime ministerās continuing
obsession about declaring an emergency makes him look weak. Not
only does it make him look weak, it also is further evidence that a
fractured Malay uber alles government is an unstable proposition, and
any time political operatives make pacts with traitors, the end result
is a weakening of the Malay political establishment.
When
Umno that has a pedigree of autocratic rule distances itself from such a
gambit, you know that the current prime minister is scraping the bottom
of the political barrel. What exactly does the PN hope to achieve with
the emergency rule? Forget about the political ramifications of
such a move. What this would mean is that the state security apparatus
then takes centre stage in enforcing diktats from the state. Does the PN
government understand what this means or does the PN state assume that
emergency rule would not disrupt the normality of the economic and
social life of this country?
As I have detailed in numerous
pieces about the state security apparatus, what we are dealing with is
an organism composed of fiefdoms aligned with various political power
structures whose loyalty is more often not to the state but rather
various power groups inside and outside the government. How do
you think the PN state which has demonstrated that it could not organise
an orgy in a brothel, be able to handle the complex and political
riven mechanisms of the state when even Umno - which more or less
defines the state security apparatus and the various branches of the
armed forces - is not on board with this emergency?
So, you
declare an āemergencyā then what? The PN state claims that this is about
the pandemic, but we know that this is complete horse manure. So let us
assume that the DAP, and certainly Umno, are correct and this is about
maintaining power. How exactly does the PN state intend to maintain
power in a political environment like this? Certainly, Bersatu has
attempted to placate Umno and PAS and whoever else is in this rickety
dink coalition with positions, access to federal coffers and a myriad of
other enticements for political support, but this has proven ā for Umno
at least ā to be insufficient. What do you think will be the
consequences of the Umno grassroots, which are already agitating, if the
emergency rule is applied and avenues to power are further cut off?
Not
only that, when we have the emergency rule and the political situation
is unstable, this allows for emissaries of the deep Islamic state to
further agendas which are detrimental to the democracy of this country. The
"deep Islamic state" is a result of the vast religious bureaucracy, the
doctrinal teachings of propaganda endeavours like the Biro Tata Negara
(BTN), the religious education system and foreign influence, either
through education or experience in foreign theatres of war.
What
we are talking about here are "travellers" who enjoy the support, either
knowingly or unknowingly, of the Malay/Muslim political apparatus in
this country, who believe they are setting the religious agenda, but in
reality, are being manipulated by fascist elements with agendas of their
own.
What
an emergency gives them is an opportunity to reshape government policy
without any kind of oversight from the political apparatus -
establishment or opposition - and the means through the state security
apparatus and weak prime minister to carry out such agendas. Think
about this way. The fact that entertainment outlets are subject to the
closure because of social distancing and the alcohol licences are
stopped because of ādrink drivingā does not happen in a vacuum.
While
political operatives think they gain mileage from supporting such
issues, beneath it all are travellers who take advantage of political
discord or pandemics to further virulent religious ideas. The fact
that the prime minister and his loyalists were trying to spin this as
not an emergency but something more palatable, indicates that they are
afraid of the consequences of āgenuineā emergency rule and that they
want the trappings of an emergency ā the subordination of political and
judicial oversight ā in the hopes of maintaining power.
What the
prime minister does not understand, or maybe he just does not care, is
that a half-past-six emergency will not grant him the kind of power he
needs. Indeed, what it would do is embolden his political adversaries
because they believe he does not have the guts to truly wreck the
system, which is what genuine emergency would do. This, of
course, may necessitate further more drastic actions from the prime
minister, which would further jeopardise the economic stability of the
country.
Syahredzan Johan astutely points out that even the Royal Institution was concerned about the possible abuse of political power - āThe word 'membatasi '
was the only one to be highlighted in red in the statement. The other
words were printed in black. This statement is significant as it
suggests that the rulers were of the view that there could be elements
of abuse of power in an emergency, and that the Agong's role is to
ensure that executive powers are not abused.ā
What is truly
unbelievable is the hubris of this government. Here you have an
opposition which is willing to work with you, the backing of
transactional allies until the next election and a public which is
willing to put up with anything as long as the state provides some sort
of relief from the pandemic.
The fact that the prime minister and
his loyalists think that the best way to maintain power is by staging an
emergency, is indicative of how truly delusional these people are.