PAS/PN has made electoral gains out of traditional Umno support. It is no wonder that Umno is now competing using more extreme confrontational discourse, hoping to out-PAS/PN in emotional racialised appeals.

Some in Umno - especially those dissatisfied with the Anwar government - see Akmal’s “fighting” as strengthening Umno. For some, he is indeed Umno’s new hero.

Others suggest the strategy has more immediate pragmatic goals. As the Sabah election is on the horizon - either later in the year or (more likely) next year - some in Umno see racialised rhetoric as a means to shore up support for the party.

Sabah was where the party gained ground in 2020 after losing power in 2018. Ironically, they do not fully appreciate that a racialised approach will not help them to the extent they think it will in Sabah compared to Peninsular Malaysia.

This sort of peninsula politics is off-putting for most Sabahans. It is an electoral miscalculation out of a lack of knowledge of political dynamics in Borneo and alienating politicking.

Divisive rhetoric, nevertheless, is what is known (and easy as they have little to point to in terms of deliverables in office), so racialised rhetoric continues.

Targeting Anwar

Others see Akmal’s actions as an indirect attack on Anwar’s government. Not only is Zahid being overshadowed, but so is Anwar.

No question, the attack on KK Mart hurts support among the unity government’s largely non-Malay base and it has extended to Sarawak, where the owner of the convenience store chain is from.

Some in Umno are deeply unhappy to be part of Anwar’s government and support efforts to undercut the administration and showcase Umno as a party focused on itself/more independent rather than as part of a broad unity coalition.

Some in the federal coalition government are even seen to be willing to let Akmal speak out as they see Umno as one of the weakest parties in the federal coalition government, electorally, with the hope that this can strengthen the connection of Umno leaders to their base.

This has come at a cost to racial tensions. Unfortunately, Anwar’s government has not effectively promoted racial unity while in office and this has allowed for an empowering of racialised narratives.

Poor communication strategies have made this more challenging. Words unnecessarily used by those in government have been hurtful toward minorities.

The initial days of silence by senior leaders in the administration amid the KK Mart incident did not help, as others were allowed to control the narrative. Now, racialised rhetoric is dominant and feeding on raw emotions.

The ethnic polarisation evident in GE15’s heated campaign is not far from the surface and is now being fanned irresponsibly. Ethnic conditions on the ground remain quietly but palpably tense.

It is an emotional time, as economic conditions and inflation are having an impact on society.

While many recognise Akmal’s actions as politically calculated, some buy into the anger being fuelled, as shown in the violent incidents to date and the support it has garnered.

It is easier to channel anger and frustration than to address more difficult underlying issues that promote insecurity and differences.

Akmal continues to speak out, basking in the heat of growing and worrying chauvinistic resentments. It is almost as if this is a political “game” rather than where lives are livelihoods are at stake.

Rather than base the discussion on issues that directly influence the well-being of Malays and can find a middle ground among all Malaysians, following the tradition of Malacca educationist and long-time grassroots politician Abdul Ghafar Baba, Akmal’s approach seems to seek political gain and to return Umno to its divisive racialised rhetorical past.

In Akmal’s gambit, Umno is gambling its past for its future, putting Malaysia as a whole at unnecessary risk.