Robert Spencer : The Prefecture has, from last year to this, decided to more than
double the number of gendarmes in the city. Everyone knows why: it’s to
deal with the rise in violent street robberies and in house burglaries
by the Arabs and Muslim Africans. Muslim young men in groups can be
found not just sitting on sidewalks, but relaxing in outdoor cafes,
where they sit for hours nursing a bottle of water, which gives them the
right to remain at the cafe as long as they want. And so they do. Their
idleness offends me. Do none of these people work? And just how much is
the French government spending on them that they can indulge in such
idleness?
The number of shisha shops, where Arabs can use the hubble-bubble
pipes, has noticeably increased in the last two years. Several new ones
that did not exist two years ago when I last visited have now been
opened just on the street where I was staying. It’s one way for Arabs to
pass their time, secure in the knowledge that the generous French
government will provide for their every basic need: housing, medical
care, schooling, even family allowances that were originally meant as
pro-natalist measures, intended to encourage the French to have larger
families. Instead, the French government now finds itself supporting not
French families, but the much larger Muslim families. In the city, many
Arabs, to judge by their presence on café terrasses, park benches, and
city sidewalks and stoops, manage to while away the hours, day after
day. Perhaps their wives are hard at work; I don’t understand these
hours of idleness.
Some graffiti by the Arabs vandalize existing signs. Posters of
Simone Veil, a Holocaust survivor who was a former French Minister of
Health and President of the European Parliament from 1979 to 1982, have
frequently been defaced, with swastikas painted over her face. Wall
graffiti attacks on Macron’s posters read “Macron Jew Bitch.” In the
18th arrondissement in Paris, according to a friend, the words “Truie
Juive” – “Jewish sow” – have been painted on shopfronts of what, I
presume, are Jewish-owned stores.
At the main entry to the city of Avignon, a gigantic fresco was
painted on a wall this summer. It shows Macron as a puppet, dangling
from the strings held by the puppeteer, depicted as the well-known
Jewish economist and former adviser to Mitterand, Jacques Attali, his
“Jewish features” distinctly exaggerated. It took a while, but Jewish
organizations finally got the city to cover up the fresco for its
obviously antisemitic content. Other antisemitic visuals have shown
Macron placed in the center of a circle of advisers, many of them
clearly Jewish.
In Paris, the façade of the prestigious Sciences Po, one of the
“grandes écoles,” was defaced with graffiti, including “Mort à Israel”
(Death To Israel) and “Koufar” (Kuffar, or Infidel), a word that is
aimed not at Jews alone, but at all non-Muslims.
The “Gilets Jaunes” are groups of leftist protesters who for almost a
year have been appearing for weekend protests in many French cities,
manifesting their rage against the state, and proclaiming a variety of
free-floating grievances. One of their posters reads “Contre Racket
Fiscal Judeo-Bolshevique Sur Les Carburants” – blaming “Jewish
Bolsheviks” for the rise in the price of gasoline and heating oil. While
the Gilets Jaunes are not a Muslim group, a number of Muslims have
hitched their wagon to the left-wing Gilets Jaunes, showing up to join
their protests. Some Jewish shops in France have had “JUDEN” written on
their storefront windows, which brings up terrible memories of
Kristallnacht on November 9-10, 1938.
The groups of Arabs sitting on sidewalks and stoops, and instead of
getting out of the way, force French people to get off the sidewalks and
walk in the streets, are malevolently exercising their dominance.
Perhaps the more than doubling of the local force of gendarmes will be
sufficient to discourage such bullying thugs. Perhaps those caught
painting antisemitic or anti-French graffiti can be given serious
sentences, instead of the slap on the wrist that they currently receive.
Perhaps street robberies will go down, house burglaries will decrease,
and the drug trade that North Africans control dealt a mortal blow by
this sudden increase in the numbers of police.
The growing Muslim population in the French city I lived in during
August created an underhum of menace, where Muslim toughs were intent on
making life difficult the French whose city they were treating as their
property, which, if current demographic trends continue, it eventually
will be. The indigenous French with whom I spoke all agreed, without
exception, that there was a profound “problem with Muslims,” and they
were hoping for politicians in Paris to do something. But what? Shutting
down mosques where Muslims have been “radicalized” or expelling
“extremist” imams back to North Africa won’t be enough. They are hoping
that the government will eventually realize it must put a halt to all
further Muslim immigration, and will be prepared to expel Muslims to
their countries of origin if they break the law, rather than paying for
their upkeep in French jails, and then releasing them back into France
where they committed their original crime and, where, we know, their
level of recidivism is very high.
It’s the daily disruption of life, the menace in the air, the
graffiti meant to insult and frighten both “the Jews” and “the French,”
that chips away at the collective sense of wellbeing. The Arabs who run
the drug trade, or who conduct street robberies, or commit house
burglaries, or stolen cars (another favorite activity) have all
contributed to the sense of insecurity that is now palpable. In the
French family I was visiting, the husband has now armed himself, and his
wife, too, with pepper spray, for he lives in the city center where, he
says matter-of-factly, it is simply “no longer safe at night.” He was
born in, and grew up in, this city that was always considered one of the
safest in France. Thanks to the Muslim immigrants whom a succession of
French governments have allowed in, all of them criminally negligent in
not sufficiently investigating what the arrival of so many millions of
Muslims would inevitably mean for the native French and the future of
France, it is no longer so safe.
What I observed in my month in southern France was nothing so
obviously alarming as jihadi attacks. Instead, what one sees is a slow
degringolade, where the quality of life for the French goes steadily,
inexorably down pari passu with the increase in the Muslim
population. Those immigrants have been responsible for more street
muggings, more robberies, more home burglaries, more aggressive behavior
on the street toward the Infidels, more hideous graffiti against Jews
and the “Français de souche” on the walls of buildings, more drug
trafficking, more of everything that unsettles and frightens those
French people who sense that they are gradually losing control of their
own country. Macron is no Eric Zemmour, but he cannot continue to turn
away from confronting the malign effects resulting from millions of
Muslim immigrants who cannot, and do not want to, integrate into the
society of the French Infidels. I think – I hope – that in his second,
and final, five-year term as President, Macron will surprise us all by
backing to the hilt his no-nonsense Minister of the Interior, Gerald
Darmanin, who has a good understanding of the Muslim menace, and is
prepared to act aggressively for the benefit of the indigenous people of
France.