Rudyard Kipling"
“When you're left wounded on Afganistan's plains and
the women come out to cut up what remains, Just roll to your rifle
and blow out your brains,
And go to your God like a soldier”
General Douglas MacArthur"
“We are not retreating. We are advancing in another direction.”
“It is fatal to enter any war without the will to win it.” “Old soldiers never die; they just fade away.
“The soldier, above all other people, prays for peace, for he must suffer and be the deepest wounds and scars of war.”
“May God have mercy upon my enemies, because I won't .” “The object of war is not to die for your country but to make the other bastard die for his.
“Nobody ever defended, there is only attack and attack and attack some more.
“It is foolish and wrong to mourn the men who died. Rather we should thank God that such men lived.
The Soldier stood and faced God
Which must always come to pass
He hoped his shoes were shining
Just as bright as his brass
"Step forward you Soldier,
How shall I deal with you?
Have you always turned the other cheek?
To My Church have you been true?"
"No, Lord, I guess I ain't
Because those of us who carry guns
Can't always be a saint."
I've had to work on Sundays
And at times my talk was tough,
And sometimes I've been violent,
Because the world is awfully rough.
But, I never took a penny
That wasn't mine to keep.
Though I worked a lot of overtime
When the bills got just too steep,
The Soldier squared his shoulders and said
And I never passed a cry for help
Though at times I shook with fear,
And sometimes, God forgive me,
I've wept unmanly tears.
I know I don't deserve a place
Among the people here.
They never wanted me around
Except to calm their fears.
If you've a place for me here,
Lord, It needn't be so grand,
I never expected or had too much,
But if you don't, I'll understand."
There was silence all around the throne
Where the saints had often trod
As the Soldier waited quietly,
For the judgment of his God.
"Step forward now, you Soldier,
You've borne your burden well.
Walk peacefully on Heaven's streets,
You've done your time in Hell."
Looking back on Malaya’s first year at the United Nations - Commander S THAYAPARAN (Retired) Royal Malaysian Navy
Monday, January 07, 2019
Malaysiakini : "Ours is what is known as a plural society, in which three major
races with different outlooks on life live side by side, and which
nationalism has brought close together in brotherhood and unity towards a
common goal."– Ismail Abdul Rahman’s inaugural speech at the UN General Assembly, 1957
BOOK REVIEW
| Mohamed Tawfik Ismail and Ooi Kee Beng’s book about Malaya’s first
year in the United Nations – specifically Malaya’s first permanent
representative to the UN and first ambassador to the United States, Dr
Ismail Abdul Rahman – is a more than just a compilation of notes from a
bygone era. Malaya's First Year at the United Nations: As Reflected in Dr Ismail's Reports Home to Tunku Abdul Rahman
is, without doubt, a useful rejoinder of what actual nation-building
is, at a time when political operatives were playing for stakes higher
than just political survival – the creation of a nation. Attempting to
forge a country from the embers of a once great empire is one thing;
drafting a coherent foreign policy for a newborn nation quite another. The
authors do more than just compile notes from Ismail – Tawfik’s father –
to then-prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. What they manage to do is
construct a convincing narrative of the nascent foreign policy of this
country. Ismail considered his notes as something made “on
a personal basis,” and would stop if they were not found to be useful.
The book is a basic guide to the international political scene of the
time and Malaya’s tentative steps in this arena, informed by the work of
Ismail and others. Meticulously researched, the side notes, appendices and bibliography of Malaya's First Year at the United Nations
fills in the blanks to Ismail's sometimes mundane notes on the grind of
networking and establishing a presence among international powers and
the slowly fading colonialists of the era. From the start,
the authors make it clear that Ismail’s basis of foreign policy –
supported by numerous sources – was that of an independent line.
Malaya’s “stand on international problems should not be influenced by
the policies of other countries big or small” – a policy which made
sense, but would be difficult to maintain in the treacherous world of
Cold War politics. Treading carefully Which
is why when Ismail condemned China’s occupation of Tibet, for instance,
he also had to defend this country against accusations that it was a
stooge of the US. Just two years before in his maiden speech to the UN
general assembly, Ismail made reference to the Malay proverb, "Gajah berjuang, rumput yang berasa" (when elephants clash, it is the grass that is destroyed) when discussing the effects of colonial knavery on occupied regions.
What
this demonstrated from the beginning is that Ismail believed that
Malaya's foreign policy should not be aligned with that of colonial
powers or other independent countries. He understood that smaller
independent countries had to tread carefully when dealing with bigger,
more powerful political hegemons. You have to remember
that back when Ismail was formulating his ideas, Southeast Asia was a
hotbed of colonial activity. The Vietnam conflict was percolating with
the malfeasance of the French, who had drawn in the British and the
‘quiet Americans’ – slowly turning into ‘ugly Americans’ – with cold
warriors slowly drawing up their misguided plans in Washington’s
corridors of power. Imagine what it was like for a new
democracy like Malaya finding its footing on this stage. Ismail, though
inexperienced in foreign service, more than made up for it with a work
ethic and a desire for knowledge which seems to be lost on the current
crop of political operatives. Ismail was not afraid to
discover new ideas and made it a point that all major newspapers should
be available to him every morning, so he gets multiple perspectives on
issues facing the US and the world. He was an exacting superior who
demanded the best from his staff only because he knew how high the
stakes were.
Making
contacts with plutocrats, politicians, ambassadors and various special
interests groups was part of the job. The nuts and bolts of establishing
a presence, but more importantly, establishing a country as more than
just a former colony – an independent state with a nation-building
agenda competing with other agendas in the region – was the basis of his
work. A new democracy I have no idea
if these personal notes were useful to Tunku Abdul Rahman, but if you
ever wondered what real foreign service work entailed, then this is it.
It more than then just socialising.
It
is about gaining insight into a foreign country, while providing
context for your own. Ismail’s ‘diary’ of Malaya’s first year at the UN
is evidence that he, inexperience notwithstanding, had a natural
instinct for foreign service. Ismail’s anecdotes are more
than just entertainment. It gives you a sense of how foreigners viewed
us as an emerging democracy, but more importantly, how he was paying
attention to the US and what it could offer to Malaya. They were the
“new capitalists,” as opposed to the “old capitalists” of the paling
British empire. One example is his tour of the southern
states in the US with then-first secretary Lim Taik Choon, during which
they visited a Shell refinery. “Although it bears the name of Shell, and
a large share of its business is owned by the Royal Dutch Oil Company,
which is a majority shareholder of Shell International, it has its own
independent management.” Ismail and Lim also took a tour
of the Kaiser Aluminium factory, where they met one Mr Weekly, who they
invited for a drink in their hotel. They talked about race relations in
the south – Weekly being a northern gentleman with a southern wife –
which neatly dovetails into his experience at a horseracing track, where
Ismail discovers segregated toilets. Fortunately for him, he is not
stopped from entering a Whites-only latrine. And this is
what is fascinating about this book. Ismail goes from explaining the
complicated processes driving an aluminium reduction plant, dives into
the racial politics of the south, and how, near the end of his New
Orleans stay, he is troubled by a discussion with a taxi driver who
claims that there is no need to justify his reasons for hating Blacks. This
is what makes this book extremely readable. If your preference is
geopolitics, and how Malaya sought to define itself in that era based on
the perspective of Ismail, you will find Malaya's First Year at the United Nations a guide which will lead you to further research. If
you are interested in the travelogue aspect of this book, Ismail’s
“notes” are a clear-eyed tour of the politics and people of the US. Both
aspects are equally important because they give you a sense of the
times he was operating in. Malaya's First Year at the United Nations
ends with an epilogue, which goes back to the nuts and bolts of
domestic politics. The most interesting part of this chapter is a letter
by then-deputy prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein. Razak
had just secured a low-interest loan from the Sultan of Brunei “in order
to implement some of the short-term projects for the rural areas before
the elections.” The letter, among others, discusses the nearing
election, which was “getting warmer.”