The connective tissues between all these issues are the racial and religious agendas of successive governments that desire a narcotised majority and a disenchanted, aggrieved minority.

This plays into the Manichean political narrative that communal agendas need to safeguard political interests.

The prime minister blames the so-called “liberal” media for calling out the slow pace of reforms, but had no problem running to the liberal media in the decades he was out in the political cold.

In those days, the prime minister had all the answers. He was determined not only to point out the mendacity of the system but also the hypocrisy.

During an interview with CNN a decade ago, Anwar said this about the deliberate politicisation of race and religion of that time: “The antidote for this behaviour is to restore credibility to the institutions of civil society.

“The media should be free, politicians must be held accountable through free and fair elections, and the judiciary must be able to operate without interference from politicians.

“Economics also factors importantly into the equation. Income inequality in Malaysia is among the worst in the world.

“Despite decades of an affirmative action policy designed to uplift the poor and marginalised Malays, in Malaysia, the rich get richer while the poor stay poor - and that includes poor Malays, Chinese and Indians.

"We need to revisit the design of economic policy and how the country allocates welfare and resources. Affirmative action remains essential to ensure that the poor and marginalised are not forgotten.

"But there is no reason to exclude poor Chinese and Indians from the policy, as has been the case for so long. Endemic corruption has enriched a few well-connected businesspersons and politicians, but the vast majority of their wealth never trickles down.”

So, we understand that a few well-connected businesspeople and politicians are engaged in endemic corruption, and these people would be hostile to reform, right? The question remains: Why are these people still allowed to operate?

What we get under the Madani regime, as far as political stability is concerned, are institutions that appear to be weaponised, enabling the religious bureaucracy, turning a blind eye to the corruption scandals-laden personalities that form this coalition government, coddling religious and racial agitators within the regime, and of course, a clampdown on free speech.

Reforms of state institutions that minimise corruption and deregulation, which minimise cronyism, are some things we can all agree with and, perhaps, the most economically viable way to sway the Malay public opinion.

This is why PAS, in particular, wants this to be about a culture war.

Role of religion

When it comes to the role of religion in this country, the prime minister has taken every opportunity to demonstrate his religious bona fides.

He proclaims victory over the demolition of a 100-year-old temple. He oversees the religious conversion of minority youth.

The concept of Madani is based on Islamic philosophy, and he enables the religious bureaucracy to an extent never witnessed before in this country.

Close to a decade ago, Anwar said this of politicians who proudly display the religious flag: “In Malaysia, such posturing by Muslim leaders has much more to do with politics than religion and ideology.

“The ruling government hopes that by taking a hard line, it will curry some favour with an increasingly radical right wing upon which its party is increasingly based.”

I do not know if those words were prophetic, but the underlying cause for the religious turmoil was not the hate speech of Perikatan Nasional but rather the policies of Madani.

Malay rights have been weaponised to the point that the Madani regime would rather not carry out any utilitarian policies that would benefit everyone, especially the Malays, for fear of the opposition claiming that Malay/Muslim rights are being sidelined because of the DAP.

Public institutions have been weaponised, giving more political ammo to PN, or weaponised against free speech, which only enables the hate speech of PN.

By designating DAP as anathema, PN has done Pakatan Harapan a huge favour.

The prime minister and his staunchest allies understand that the DAP base will never vote for PN or abstain from voting because they fear the “Green Wave” of PAS, but will either overlook or are in denial of the green waves emanating from Harapan.

Anwar has decided who he wants to be a prime minister for, and his policies reflect this.

DAP, his staunchest ally, also knows who he wants to be a prime minister for and enables Putrajaya. It remains to be seen if the base he hungers for wants him.