So, was it a coincidence that a week later, intense lobbying started for Nurul Izzah to vie for the deputy president’s post in PKR?

PKR vice-president Shamsul Iskandar Akin, who is also PKR Hang Tuah Jaya chief, and other Malacca division chiefs openly declared their support for Nurul Izzah to challenge Rafizi.

Shamsul hailed his boss’ daughter as someone who is “capable of advancing reformist values, driving change, and translating the people’s aspirations more effectively”.

Really? Didn't her electorate reject her in Permatang Pauh? What are her notable achievements besides spearheading the movement to free her father from prison?

What has she done to advance women’s causes? What has she done to stimulate change? What has she done to ban child marriages or polygamy, or urge the education minister to introduce sex education in schools, or to help single mothers who have been abandoned by their polygamous former husbands?

With Nurul Izzah gaining increasing support for the deputy presidency, Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil denied the charge of nepotism.

He, like others in PKR, was confident of her capabilities, her integrity as a future leader of PKR, and her “high diplomacy to unite party members”.

The PKR Women deputy chief, Faizah Ariffin, voiced support for Nurul Izzah because “no woman has occupied the position before”. Is that it?

Pasar Gudang MP Hasan Abdul Karim claimed that he opposed nepotism, but said that Nurul Izzah was an ideal candidate for the post as she has been involved in PKR’s struggle since she was 18. Seriously?

Slippery slope of nepotism

None of these people appear to listen to the rakyat, who understand that with nepotism, the seeds of mistrust will be sown among the rakyat.

Nepotism goes against democratic principles and diminishes equal opportunities. Nepotism discourages highly qualified and more experienced contenders from participating.

Posts that are filled with people with blood ties instead of merit will eventually lead to inefficiency, potential conflict of interest, possible abuse of power, probable misuse of funds, and discrimination.

We’ve seen firsthand with Malaysian political dynasties that family members occupy important positions, and family businesses (and cronies) often “win” lucrative contracts.

Anwar has been a huge disappointment for Malaysians who supported change. PKR is no longer seen as a party which champions justice and equal rights. PKR behaves more like Parti Keluarga Rakyat. Mother, father, daughter.

The weakest link in the Madani administration is PKR, with its never-ending internal conflicts, personality clashes, power struggles, and the sidelining of potential young leaders.

Malaysians are fed up with playing family charades.

Perhaps, Nurul Izzah is being groomed to be the prime minister. Her qualification? Being Anwar's daughter.

Perhaps Rafizi should challenge Anwar for the top post.

Our beloved “Bapa Kemerdekaan”, Tunku Abdul Rahman, proclaimed in 1957: “This is a country for all of us… not just for one race.” The granting of citizenship to non-Malays was part of a historic inter-ethnic bargain, built upon mutual respect, shared sacrifice, and national unity – not ethnic supremacy.

To now claim that only Malays “own” Peninsular Malaysia is to betray the Merdeka spirit, distort our Constitution, and ignore the contributions and sacrifices of generations of non-Malay citizens. Malaya was established as a multi-ethnic nation in which all citizens have an equal stake and shared sense of belonging. That is the true soul of our independence – and the path we must continue to defend.

The argument that Malays are the sole indigenous people of the peninsula – and thus the exclusive inheritors of the land – is historically problematic. The term ‘Malay’ is not an ancient ethnic identity but a socio-political construct that evolved over centuries. It broadly refers to Muslim communities in the Malay Archipelago who share common linguistic, cultural, and religious traits, particularly after the spread of Islam.

Moreover, the demographic composition of Peninsular Malaysia has always been diverse. Even during the Malacca Sultanate in the 15th century, the region was a melting pot of Orang Asli, Arab merchants, Indian-Muslim traders, Chinese settlers, and migrants from across the Nusantara. The presence and contributions of these groups are part of the region’s long and inclusive history.

It is also an undeniable historical fact that the earliest inhabitants of Peninsular Malaysia are the Orang Asli, a truth candidly acknowledged by Dato’ Abdul Rahman, then Secretary to Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor: “The aborigines were the possessors of the soil before we [the Malays] came to the peninsula.”

The 1931 Census Report similarly states: “The Malays are, in fact, merely immigrants of generally longer standing than the other migrant races represented in the peninsula…”

Deep roots

Moreover, the 1947 Census revealed that approximately 26 percent of Malays in Peninsular Malaysia were immigrants from what is today Indonesia. By contrast, in that same year, 63.5 percent of the Chinese and 51.6 percent of the Indians in Peninsular Malaysia were local-born – born and raised on this land they now call home.

These facts are not meant to deny anyone’s identity or heritage but to remind us of our shared history – one that is far more intertwined than divisive narratives suggest.

Contrary to the misconception that non-Malays are recent arrivals, several non-Malay communities have roots in the peninsula dating back centuries. Among them are the Baba-Nyonya (Peranakan Chinese), Malacca Chettis, and Portuguese Eurasians – distinctive communities whose integration into local society challenges any narrative of exclusivity.

The Baba-Nyonya, for instance, trace their origins to the 15th century, when Chinese traders settled in Malacca and married local Malay, Javanese, Batak or Balinese women. Over time, they developed a rich hybrid culture, blending Chinese and Malay traditions. They spoke Malay at home, practised Malay customs, and were deeply loyal to their homeland. Many played key roles in colonial administration and local commerce.

During both the Dutch and British colonial periods, the Peranakan Chinese were recognized as indigenous inhabitants. This status was reflected in the granting of land deeds similar to those awarded to the Malays – a historical precedent that underscores their longstanding presence and integration.

Likewise, the Malacca Chettis descended from South Indian traders who settled in the region during the same period. Through intermarriage and assimilation, they adopted many aspects of Malay culture while maintaining their Hindu faith and Tamil linguistic roots. Their contributions to local trade, religious life, and cultural heritage span over 500 years.

The Portuguese Eurasians, another long-standing community, emerged from intermarriages following the Portuguese conquest of Malacca in 1511. Speaking Kristang, a Portuguese-based creole, and practising Roman Catholicism, this community has preserved its identity while contributing significantly to the socio-economic life of the region.

These communities, along with others such as the Tamils, Malayalees, Telugus, Gujaratis, and Sikhs, are deeply rooted in Malaysian soil. Many settled here long before large numbers of Malays themselves migrated to the peninsula. Historical records reveal that hundreds of thousands of Malays from Sumatra, Java, and Sulawesi migrated to Peninsular Malaysia only in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, spurred by colonial labour demand and economic opportunity.

For instance, Minangkabau settlers formed significant populations in Negeri Sembilan, while Javanese migrants settled in Johor and Selangor. Yet these migrants were absorbed into the Malay identity due to their shared religion and language. It is thus inconsistent – and unjust – to claim indigeneity as the basis for exclusive ownership when many Malays themselves are descendants of relatively recent immigrants.

Non-Malays have not only resided in Malaya for generations but have also played an indispensable role in building the country. Economically, the Chinese community transformed Malaya into a global hub of tin mining and commerce. Entrepreneurs, bankers, and small traders helped create a thriving business ecosystem.

The Indian community, brought in under British rule, toiled in rubber plantations, built railways and roads, and served in key roles within the colonial civil service. Indian professionals – teachers, doctors, engineers – were essential to public infrastructure and education. The contributions of these communities were not peripheral; they were foundational to the economic success of the country.

As noted by Kernial Singh Sandhu, a renowned academician, Chinese and Indian capital, enterprise and labour contributed significantly towards the creation of modern Peninsular Malaysia. In a similar vein, Charles Vlieland, who compiled the 1931 Census Report, highlighted the fact that the “phenomenal development” of Peninsular Malaysia has been due largely to the “industry, enterprise, and commercial genius” of the Chinese.

Urban centres such as Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, George Town, and Seremban flourished through the combined effort of all ethnic groups. The tin boom of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, driven largely by Chinese enterprise and labour, helped turn Ipoh into the “City of Millionaires”. Kuala Lumpur’s emergence as the capital was underpinned by the labour of Indian and Chinese workers, who built its railways, drainage systems, and buildings.

Moreover, non-Malay philanthropists and leaders established schools, temples, churches, hospitals, and social institutions that served both their own communities and the nation at large. Institutions like Chung Ling High School, the Vivekananda Ashrama, and St. John’s Institution exemplify the civic spirit of non-Malay Malayans.

Strength in unity

These contributions are not limited to economic development. Non-Malays also played crucial roles in securing Malaya’s independence. The multi-ethnic Alliance Party – comprising Umno, MCA, and MIC – negotiated independence on the basis of interethnic cooperation and mutual respect.

Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaya’s first Prime Minister, repeatedly stressed that independence was achieved through the unity and partnership of all races. He envisioned a Malaya for all Malayans – not an exclusive homeland for any single ethnic group.

To assert that Peninsular Malaysia belongs exclusively to the Malays is to erase this shared legacy and marginalise generations of loyal citizens. It is a dangerous narrative that fractures our unity, undermines social cohesion, and betrays the inclusive vision on which our nation was founded.

Such rhetoric also damages our nation’s global image. In a world that prizes inclusivity, pluralism, and human rights, the idea of a mono-ethnic nation is outdated and contrary to democratic values. It tarnishes our reputation as a progressive, harmonious society.

To conclude, the strength of our nation lies not in the dominance of one race, but in the unity of all its people. Let us rise above toxic rhetoric and embrace our diversity as a source of strength. Let us think and act as fellow citizens, committed to building a truly united, just, and progressive nation – for all.

"Looking at Umno, when there were big issues which we could not address, we would talk about DAP, Chinese chauvinism and how Lim becoming prime minister would destroy Malaysia, that the Malays would disappear, and the mosques could no longer air the azan.

"I admit that I, too, have said such things in front of a 100 percent Malay audience. Thinking back, I feel guilty and a sense of regret,” he admitted in 2018.

PAS is no better. In 2013, according to Hadi, Pakatan Rakyat states and political leaders were free from corruption. He said this during the opening of a Chinese New Year festival in Kedah.

So basically, when PAS was with DAP, they managed to run states with zero corrupt leaders, and it was Umno who was the big bad wolf.

Having been injected into the mainstream of Malaysian politics on the wings of DAP, they now continue racial and religious narratives that they know are a lie, but which are perfectly acceptable to the kind of religion they preach.

DAP is merely dispensing the kool aid, with its Malaysian Malaysia agenda.

It’s gaslighting the base into thinking that the secular/egalitarian agenda is on the table, when the reality is that coalitions that DAP have been involved in have strengthened the theocratic apparatus of this country.

Far from being a moderating or civilising force for religious extremism, which is what secularism is, DAP has colluded with and enabled various Malay power brokers in an attempt to sustain power.

‘Malaysia is all of us’

I talked about Lim’s rather misguided attempt to find something good about Islamisation. I much prefer his nuanced take on the debate on whether Malaysia is an Islamic or secular state, which demonstrates that Lim, at his best, is a politician with a fearsome intellect.

In a comment piece, Lim wrote: “Malaysia cannot claim that it is a secular nation simply because there are clear indications of religion playing a pivotal role in the governance of the country, such as Islamic schools, Islamic courts and Islamic finance.

“However, Malaysia can neither claim to be Islamic because the spirit and letter of the Federal Constitution go against several core tenets of the Islamic belief system, chief of it is the supremacy of the Constitution and not the Quran.

“Is Malaysia secular or Islamic? Malaysia is neither. Malaysia is both. Malaysia is all of us.”

Isn’t that something?

“Malaysia is all of us” is not something DAP has pursued. Instead, its leaders and cadres have gaslighted urban polities into believing that appeasement will secure non-Malays a place under the Malaysian sun.

Take this flag fiasco. Umno Veterans’ Club secretary Mustapha Yaakub said Tajuddin’s statement was unpatriotic and talked about the king’s displeasure.

Really? PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang has openly declared that he will defy the Terengganu sultan when it comes to political sermons in mosques. The PAS ulama wing ignored the Selangor sultan when it came to the Bon Odori festival. Former prime minister and former Umno kingpin Dr Mahathir Mohamad has had run-ins with the royalty and even curtailed their power.

So, when it comes to royalty and their dikats, are these groups and personalities unpatriotic? Isn’t it shameful to profess an ideal and not have any fidelity to it, as the Umno Veterans’ Club demonstrates? But you see, these people have no shame.

A land that rewards the shameless

Lawyers for Liberty director Zaid Malek, when commenting on the temple issue, noted that most of the hostility is coming from “one ethnic group”, calling it a disturbing and concerning trend. And you have to ask yourself, are these people ashamed of their actions? No, they are not. They are coddled by the state, enabled by their religion, and supported by the political class.

They will claim there is a religion of peace, and in the words of a Perkaksa goon, “Today, Malaysians - especially Malays - have been too tolerant with various issues such as KK Mart, and have now reached a tipping point when the national flag has been desecrated by those who purposely want to enrage the Malays. How can Malays be called ‘vindictive’ for wanting to defend the nation’s dignity?”

Now, a person with any sense of decency or morality reading that statement would feel ashamed to have anything to do with these kinds of people and ideology. They would feel that such behaviour goes against national dogma like the Rukun Negara. And the irony is that these people would be considered unpatriotic for feeling ashamed of such behaviour that truly warrants shame.

A soldier from a foreign land long ago told me, you can tell a lot about a people by what they find shameful about their government. I replied that it says even more about what they support in their government.

“There were many instances when words like ‘Ketuanan Melayu’ (were uttered and it) is ridiculous. So I want them to tell me where did I go wrong in not supporting the revamping of the BTN syllabus. Tell me where I went wrong?

Remember in 2018 when the G25 got into trouble because they suggested that Islamic Development Department (Jakim) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (Ikim) were unconstitutional? As reported in the press, “As we are not sure what they are doing, but maligning other Muslims as apostates and liberals.”

Real patriotism

Forget about UiTM’s KKK drag show. Let us talk about the Jalur Gemilang. I despise all this faux reverence for the national flag from the political class, and of course, thoroughly spooked non-Malays on social media platforms.

I spent a good part of my life serving this country. The men and women I served with came mostly from underprivileged backgrounds.

Let me tell you something. Most of them did not know the significance of the colours or symbols on the national flag. Some of them did not even know the words to the national anthem. What they did learn was genuine patriotism.

They learnt that patriotism meant that we were all in the same boat together because we all bleed red. They learnt that loving your country meant loving the person beside you, regardless of race or religion.

That is patriotism, not something these politicians and pencil-pushers tell us we should feel aggrieved about the desecration of the national flag. But that is part of the social contract.

Minorities have to genuflect because we are apparently not patriotic enough. Mistakes are weaponised. Apologies are never enough, and there should always be retribution. But when we are maligned, insulted, demeaned, and vilified, we should - what did MIC deputy president M Saravanan beg us to do? - just ignore it.

You know what ketuanism (supremacy) really does and which is reflected in the action of these UiTM students and the mainstream political class? It encourages its adherents to see the mote in another’s eyes but ignore the beam in theirs.

Umno is of course hoping that the non-Malay community will view PAS as the bigger threat even though both are the same kind of threat.

Umno Youth leader Dr Akmal Saleh is as virulent or more so than most PAS leaders and has demonstrated that he thinks the non-Malay coalition partners in the unity government should be seen but not heard.

And keep in mind that Malays who do reject Umno, are in fact also rejecting Madani so there is a protest vote that could happen, just not the kind that would strengthen the crumbling democratic infrastructures of this country.

So not only is the question can PSM attract the disaffected non-Malay vote but can it peel off Malay votes from those people dissatisfied with what mainstream politics is offering?

This is a steep hill. Non-Malay participation in elections is traditionally low and PSM has never been the choice of the non-Malay supposedly progressive community.

People often talk of how this country is going down the theocratic and kleptocratic rabbit hole.

But there have always been options to slow or stall this dissent. They were just never considered for tribal reasons.

PSM may very well lose this election. However, what Bawani and PSM are demonstrating and will continue to demonstrate is true grit.

Developers with powerful political friends appear to be able to purchase prime land with ease, often under cover of secrecy.

When a scandal erupts, these politicians often use the religious factor, Islam, to seize ownership of the land on which these buildings are sited.

What ‘strength’?

At the groundbreaking ceremony of Masjid Madani, Anwar said that he wanted to "showcase Islam’s strength".

Is this "strength" connected to the rising fundamentalism in Malaysia? An increasingly conservative Muslim society does not bode well for a multi-cultural Malaysia.

The following examples are probably "small" issues for Anwar. He may recall that last Ramadhan, an old Malay man slapped a non-Malay for eating in a shopping mall.

Was the mental and physical assault of the non-Muslim, this Malay's version of "showcasing Islam's strength"?

On April 8, we learnt that the state government of Perlis, the Perlis Islamic Religious and Malay Customs Council, the State Registrar of Converts and the mufti Asri Zainul Abidin were denied their chance to exercise their religious might over the rights of the individual, the single mother Loh Swee Hong.

Loh's three children, all Hindus, were unlawfully converted by her former abusive husband. The Perlis authorities demanded Loh bring the children up as Muslims. Which politician dared show support for Loh?

Losing sight of important matters

Will our MPs initiate a debate in Parliament about banning child marriages? Some Muslims consider it their religious right to marry an underage girl, just like their religious right to have four wives.

When Bernama reported a rise in incest and statutory rape cases in Kelantan, the most conservative state, only Bentong MP Young Syefura Othman expressed disgust.

The other MPs, including the prime minister, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Islamic Affairs) Naim Mokhtar, and PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang said nothing.

Large-scale corruption, slapping, hate speech, destroying/relocating temples, child marriages, incest, underage sex, and sexual abuse of tahfiz pupils and children in Global Ikhwan Services and Business Holdings (GISBH) are all perpetrated by Malays.

Despite the increased religious education, their moral values appear to have diminished.

No Malay MP has shown the courage to undo the decades-long religious brainwashing at home, in school and in the mosque.

So, would solving these "small issues” interest the PM?

The emotional justifications for these kinds of acts using social media as an alternate reality to justify socially destructive behaviour have been perfected by US President Donald Trump supporters here in Malaysia and in the US.

This kind of groupthink is the ultimate endgame for fascist governments/political parties.

As Andrew Sewer wrote in his percipient, Atlantic article: “…Trump supporters, whose community is built by rejoicing in the anguish of those they see as unlike them, who have found in their shared cruelty an answer to the loneliness and atomisation of modern life.”

While Madani claims it wants social cohesion, the ultimate goal or “victory” as the prime minister so casually announced, is a polity not only beholden to the state but which thinks it is powerful in its own right. They are not.

The Russians have a perfect term to describe such people, “useful idiots”.

Arrogant PMX

Whilst we are distracted by the turf wars over this temple, the irregularities about Jakel's purchase of the land will probably be swept under the carpet.

Anwar then had the cheek to urge Malaysians to live in harmony. After all the angst, anger and breakdown in communication of the previous weeks, the prime minister failed to appreciate that his presence at the mosque's groundbreaking ceremony on March 27 was highly provocative.

Displaying his usual arrogance, Anwar then claimed “victory”, all in the name of Islam and a two-tiered system of justice.

Here is another thing about patriotism. It is about people and not allegiances to totems. And in this country, mired in the toxic politics of race and religion, can the Education Ministry define patriotism that would make sense to children who are living in a polarised world?

Here is a great example of how patriotism is about people. In fact, this letter is a blueprint as to what defines patriotism and how the state has trampled on egalitarian sentiments that used to define patriotism in the military and, yes, in this country.

Close to a decade ago, Persatuan Patriot Kebangsaan (PPK), under the aegis of Arshad Raji released a statement on the enrolment of non-Malays in the military.

Here are five important parts:

(1) For such fighting men of valour to function, there has to be genuine love and care between the commanders and personnel. Everyone has to feel needed and important. The accomplishment of the mission is the ultimatum.

(2) The government’s affirmative policies of the 1980s had seeped into the military administration. Strange sayings like “orang kita” (our people) have crept into the minds of military commanders. Slowly and surely, the commanders saw some of those under their command as half-brothers or stepsons, unlike the “all are equal” mindset of previous years.

(3) Yearning for a merit-based promotion system, the non-Malays would not mind if their Malay subordinates were promoted if they were really deserving. Perceived as incapable by many non-Malay officers, there had been a haphazard promotion of officers very much undeserving of their roles and ranks.

(4) Needless to say, a mediocre officer given promotion and command would breed mediocrity and substandard results. Further, numerous deserving Malay officers of merit were also adversely affected. Malay officers who were promoted based on their merits earned an endearment of loyalty and respect from the non-Malays.

(5) Starting from the late 1980s, the military had become increasingly religious-centric, and non-Malays felt ever more alienated. The officers’ mess life and the lives of soldiers became very much dictated by religious sensitivity. This eventually affected esprit de corps and comradeship negatively in multi-racial military units.

So what can we learn from this letter? Patriotism is about one’s empathy for his or her brethren regardless of race and religion. Equality encourages such sentiments. Politics, race, and religion nullify such sentiments and create a toxic environment.

Does anyone really think that a flag on a badge is going to create a sense of simpatico amongst kids?

Well, as the prime minister says, it is free, so just wear it. That is how much Madani thinks the Jalur Gemilang is worth.

The disease can be spread nationwide by individuals sitting in the comfort of their home or office, using their fingers on the keyboard, or speaking on the screen before them.

Only one part of the body is affected - the mind. Containing the spread is not tricky, but there is a problem.

Law enforcers, for reasons better known to themselves, are refusing to prescribe the bitter bill that will isolate infected persons, preferably in a small cell.

Politicians the biggest offenders

Disease carriers must be rounded up and isolated, and access to gadgets should be denied. But will there be political will to do this?

Especially so when an annual study on racism by civil society group Pusat Komas recorded 28 cases involving federal lawmakers in Parliament, the highest portion out of a total of 73 cases recorded last year.

The incidents were monitored based on live parliamentary proceedings and the official Hansard.

“Based on the incidents, it was found that the MPs have used racial and religious sentiment in their speeches, placing subtle and/or overt hints of racial superiority, stereotyping, prejudice, and misinformation of existing laws,” according to the Pusat Komas Malaysia Racism Report 2024.

After the socks and ham issues, for which hundreds of man-hours were wasted, we are still embroiled in another problem these days - the relocation of a Hindu temple in Kuala Lumpur.

Anwar did no one any favours by claiming that the temple was occupying the land illegally. This earned a rebuke from certain quarters who put the present imbroglio on the Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL).

Anwar’s diatribe included a scathing attack on lawyers representing the temple.

“The problem is when (there are) those who take advantage of religious sentiments, including those who are Hindu.

“For example, there are lawyers who were never involved in Hindu religious affairs who also became champions and made rash comments, such as (suggesting that the temple would be) demolished.”

Then, taking Anwar’s words to be the truth, Umno Youth leader Dr Akmal Salleh joined the charade by making an idiotic statement and shooting his mouth.

Malaysians want the truth

This issue, even if resolved amicably, is a prime example of our administrators - the DBKL is remaining silent or trying to point fingers to avoid taking the blame.

Many differing explanations have been provided to dispel the notion that the temple is occupying the land illegally.

Why can’t an official statement outline the events that led to the sale of the land? Or is it under the impression that it can avoid opening a Pandora’s Box of land deals and other disreputable transactions by remaining opaque?

While Anwar advocates and continues to talk about transparency and accountability, DBKL has retreated into a cocoon, like a guilty party.

Malaysians want to know the truth from the horse’s mouth, not rely on half-baked news and half-truths on social media and from blinkered politicians who have been not generous with the truth.

This was not about religion. This was about power. Now, obviously, this old cretin does not have much power. Why did this old man slap this young kid?  Why did he ask what ethnicity this kid was?

Because this old cretin understands that we are all not equal citizens. He understands that by virtue of his ethnicity, this kid is not equal in terms of how the state views the two of them. He reads about how preachers in this country insult and mock other religions and people and they get away with it.

So, he knows confronting this kid is normal. He reads the news. He understands that when it comes to the religion of the state, whatever he does is justified on religious grounds.

The dark truth

What people do not want to talk about is how this old cretin slapping this kid is like public caning. Indeed, what he did was publically assault this kid much the same way how the religion of the state makes public caning part of the religious law in this country.

Keep in mind that public religious whipping has already been normalised in this country, with advocates always attempting to broaden its scope.

And if you think that this kind of zealotry is confined to the echelons of power in the religious class, read what some folks said when PAS tried to impose public caning on those who committed adultery, a couple of years ago.

Here is what a businessperson said in relation to what PAS is attempting to do: “Shahmimi Abdul Aziz, 30, was also supportive of public caning for zina (adultery) offenders, adding that it should be carried out nationwide. ‘Every state should implement it. Enforcement should also be done on the offenders’ non-Muslim partners; the punishment must be fair,’ Shahmimi noted.”

Therein lies the dark truth. Not only are non-Muslims dealing with a religious hegemon, but we are also dealing with a group-think that endorses the idea of non-Muslim subjugation to religious dogma.

All that remains to be seen is will the state enable such behaviour or sanction it. The former, of course, would just be another slap on the collective faces of non-Muslims in the country.

The slap is a petty display of religious power but carries the same symbolic weight as the power that comes with building a mosque on the site of a demolished temple.